Somali partner

“We are pleased to partner with Shuraako and increase the participation of Somali women and youth as entrepreneurs, employers, and employees,” says Mohamed Abdinoor, chief of party at GEEL. “We believe this partnership provides a unique opportunity to strengthen Somali businesses, increase investment, and create jobs.” Context and objective. The Multi-Partner Somalia Infrastructure Fund (SIF) is one of three financing windows under the Somalia Development and Reconstruction Facility (SDRF), established within the context of the Somali New Deal Compact endorsed in Brussels in September 2013. The other SDRF funding windows are the United Nations Multi Partner Trust Fund and the World Bank Multi Partner Fund. Somali Jobs is the place for jobseekers to find the job of their dreams and for recruiters to advertise their vacancies to find/reach the right candidates, easily and cost-effectively. ... We’re changing to become more efficient, more aligned, a better partner, a stronger advocate, a magnet for world-class people and relevant for the 21st ... Pure Somali brings to you a secure platform where you can meet thousands of Muslim singles from around the world who are looking for long lasting marriage. Our sole purpose as an Islamic marriage service is to present to you Muslim singles, help you communicate with ease and to help bring you closer to your marriage and life partner. Mogadishu based, with semi-regular trips to partner offices across Somalia and Somaliland and Nairobi. Liaises with: Somali authorities, NGO partners, UN, donors, private sector and community leaders, beneficiaries. Project explanation: Concern Worldwide leads the Somali Cash Consortium. Somali singles around the globe long to find other Somali singles to marry. But for practical reasons, it becomes difficult to find one another in the same localities. Distances, differences in residential setups, work pressures, all these combine to make it difficult to meet other Somali singles and find that perfect life partner. However, the demands veered off miraa sales and Somalia officials asked that Kenya treats it as an equal partner, stop violating Somali airspace and that it allows in Somalia goods including fish, rice, sugar, honey, meat and milk. Security checks. Congratulation to Dr. Keshet Ronen and Dr. Ahmed Ali for receiving a COVID-19 Population Health Equity Grant from the University of Washington to increase access to COVID-19 testing among the Somali community in King County, WA. Led in partnership with the Somali Health Board, a Somali-led grassroo Africa must be a ‘partner’ on the global stage, UN deputy chief says Amina J. Mohammed spoke to DW about promoting sustainability and development in Africa, as well as curbing the sprea… A Panama-flagged chemical tanker has been reportedly attacked by Somali pirates off the Horn of Africa. The incident, which occurred 180 nautical miles southwest of Socotra, would be the first successful hijack in Somali waters since 2017, maritime intelligence provider Dryad Global said. ... Partner. Partner Damen Shipyards Group We apply ...

[RESULTS] The East African Conflict: Kenya Strikes Back (Phase 2)

2020.09.22 00:04 LordNotix [RESULTS] The East African Conflict: Kenya Strikes Back (Phase 2)

[M: Many thanks to Apieceofpi for calculating these battles, this has been a collaborative effort. Any questions can be directed at either of us.]

The Egyptian-Sudanese Front

The Struggle for the Barren Featureless Wasteland - SH056

“Good Lord, it’s a barren featureless wasteland out there.” Remarks of a Sudanese Commander in private, translated.
Indeed only the light cover of clouds provided any contrast to the eye-hurting stretches of rural desert that sat between the forces of Sudan and the socialist Arabs. The Assault 1 Group had reached the tactically useless lands first, and used only their opportunity to relax under the blazing sun, as an advantage to repel the Egyptian troops whose designation was lost to fog of war for this author. Something about the chef of a certain crusted pastry forgetting to mark the correct name on the documents handed to the front of house.
Nonetheless, the nameless men whose fallen fellows shall not be forgotten, were forced back to the lands of SH122, that other desert of no-particular note.
Heavenly State of Sudan Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Militia 561 1310 5 14 26
Militia Artillery 58 138 0 2 8
Anti-Infantry 80 189 0 2 13
Tanks 12 28 0 1 9
Anti-Tank 58 138 0 2 3
Total 768 1803
Republic of Mashriq (UAF) Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
NLA Infantry 670 1565 6 16 8
M27 Scarab Tank 33 78 0 2 1
NLA Artillery 111 261 1 3 1
M28 Anti-Aircraft Vehicle 22 52 0 2 0
M28 Anti-Tank Vehicle 33 78 0 2 1
Total 869 2034

Heavenly State of Sudan takes SH056 from the Islamic State of Egypt.

The Less Troublesome Sands - SH055

The Republican Guard find what they believe at first to be an attempt to create a trap, perhaps mines, or other cluster munitions buried in the sands. It is in fact hastily extinguished campfires, and ill-disposed of rations of the Sudanese Assault Group 1, whose urgent relocation has left the province undefended.

Republic of Mashriq (UAF) takes SH055 from the Heavenly State of Sudan.

Grabbing the Dunes by the Nubians - LY106

The Palestinian South Force find yet more coincidentally seeming cluster munitions as their Egyptian colleagues, which too turn out only to be spoilt rations and other municipal disposals. The no doubt treasured sands, and the rubbish of these other men are theirs once more. Well their ally, and federal partners.

Autonomous Republic of Matrouh (UAF) recaptures LY106 from the Heavenly State of Sudan for the Islamic State of Egypt.

The East Nubian Tussle - LY105

Chased to the coast, the windy red sea coast would be seen as glad tidings by the mobile Islamic Egyptian forces, their Persian Allies had seen remarkable success with the divine winds at their backs. But here it seemed the breeze was blowing in a different direction. Although not by any means a storm of sand, the rain of lead, fire, and ordinance that heralded the Sudanese advance was sufficient to see the Egyptians continue their repeat north to LY108, in a maneuver beginning to be considered for standard training amongst the more cynical, experienced officers - veterans of the Southern Front.
Heavenly State of Sudan Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Militia 29 70 0 1 52
Militia Artillery 3 7 0 1 10
Anti-Infantry 3 8 0 1 18
Tanks 0 1 0 1 8
Anti-Tank 2 6 0 1 4
Anti-Air 1 4 0 1 1
Total 38 ​96
Islamic State of Egypt Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
ALightT_None 47 110 0 2 1
ALightV_None 1 4 0 1 0
ALightV_Anti_Infantry 7 19 0 1 0
ALightV_Armored 3 7 0 1 1
Total 58 140

Heavenly State of Sudan captures LY105 from the Islamic State of Egypt.

To the Nile Banks - LY103

The Holy Battalion clashed against the Sudanese Third Defense Group in what would be the Egyptian continuation of momentum in counterbalance to the Assault Group to their North. Here the fickle wind blew more strongly, invigorating the Muslim troops whose awareness of the defeat of the countrymen was absent, but the bolstering vigour of the tales of battles from yonder saw near zealotry descend upon their enemies. Those enemies, the Soldiers of the Heavenly State, took their title as the Defense Group with some responsibility and withdrew to the neighbouring city insistent on bringing it protection against some supposed butchery that some survivors believed awaited it at the hands of their foes.
Islamic State of Egypt Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
ALightT_None 716 1671 7 17 20
ALightT_Anti_Infantry 81 190 0 2 3
ALightT_Anti_Tank 16 38 0 1 0
ALightT_Armored 16 38 0 1 0
AHeavyT_None 799 1867 7 19 13
AHeavyT_Anti_Air 16 38 0 1 0
AHeavyV_Armored 24 56 0 2 18
ALightV_Anti_Infantry 170 397 3 8 10
AHeavyV_Anti_Tank 57 135 1 3 18
Total 1895 4430
Heavenly State of Sudan Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Militia 516 1205 5 13 16
Militia Artillery 162 378 1 4 15
Anti-Infantry 331 773 3 8 13
Anti-Tank 90 213 0 3 3
Anti-Air 151 355 1 4 5
Total 1250 2924

Islamic State of Egypt captures LY1053 from the Heavenly State of Sudan.

The Somalian-Ethiopian Front

Disaster in the Mendebo Mountains - ET017

Undersupplied and grossly outnumbered, the Attack Group found itself reinforced with well-needed soldiers - their detachment from supply lines, cut-off by those lands they espoused claim to without administration had left the men without certainty. Without certainty, and without enemies, some had seen each other as combatants, causing discipline issues which only worsened when the first defections started. 5% of the army, 40 Soldiers in all were considered dead before the Eastern Indian soldiers even arrived. The Author will note with some amazement as the Clearly Inferior Indians of the Orient gave what his co-author referred to as a “whollopping” to the Kenyans, driving the reinforced Attack Group back on the cloudy day, giving further Ominous potence to the dangers of Heavy Wind to the soldiers of Kenya.
Driven from their posts, the Kenyans fled into the province of ET016 with a further 22 superstitious, craven, or dishonourable sorts being declared officially dead by the survivors as to save face - the attrition of national states proving itself a foul mistress.
The Empire of Eastern India Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Indian Infantry AI 9 24 0 1 11
Indian Artillery 27 64 0 1 19
Indian Artillery AA 0 0 0 0 0
Indian Artillery AT 27 64 0 1 19
Indian Artillery AI 1 5 0 1 9
Indian Infantry 10 24 0 1 3
Total 74 181
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 216 362 2 5 3
Total 216 362

The Empire of Eastern India captures ET017 from the Greater Kenyan Federation for the Federal Republic of Somalia

The Continued Assault of Dewa Wenz - ET009

The fortress fell.
The Somalians emboldened by their victory against the Kenyans of the past phase, stood little chance against the windless storm that assailed them now. Vastly, and staggeringly outnumbered, a fighting retreat was called, with the Somalians pulling back to SO006 as to hold some semblance of a line against the overwhelming odds before them.
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 664 1552 6 16 53
Askari Mlipuko 127 298 1 3 16
Askari Mkubwa 168 393 1 4 15
Nyati 31 73 0 2 38
Nyati Mkubwa 6 17 0 1 9
Mlipuko Silaha 42 100 0 1 9
Wawindaji 1 5 0 1 4
Nyati Mlipuko 4 12 0 1 9
Nyati Ndege 3 8 0 1 4
Chui Ndege 4 11 0 1 3
Total 1050 2469
Federal Republic of Somalia Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Somali Regulars 300 702 3 8 8
Somali Howitzers 185 432 1 5 3
White Robe Elite Guerrillas 142 332 1 4 4
Somali Sniper Corps 142 332 1 4 4
Somali Anti-Tank 185 432 1 5 3
Total 954 2230

The Greater Kenyan Federation takes ET009 from the Federal Republic of Somalia

The Bakool Invasion - SO005

[M: Huge thanks for Bow for providing me a list of his different region names, any sorts of region/city maps with names are greatly appreciated.]
It did not help.
Word need not spread from the North, the Invasion of Bakool had begun in earnest. The grassy flats felt no breeze but that of shockwaves as the mighty forts of SO005 gave way to the Kenyan Forces. Tens of Thousands fought against mere hundreds, and the hundreds gave way but not before giving as good as they got.
The Somalians fled to SO009 as to keep the illusion of a coherent fighting force, for their own men, and commanders as much as the enemy.
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 729 1704 7 18 50
Askari Mlipuko 141 330 1 4 15
Askari Mkubwa 184 432 1 5 14
Nyati 34 80 0 2 38
Nyati Mkubwa 7 18 0 1 9
Mlipuko Silaha 46 110 0 2 8
Wawindaji 2 5 0 1 4
Nyati Mlipuko 5 13 0 1 9
Nyati Ndege 3 9 0 1 4
Chui Ndege 5 12 0 1 3
Total 1156 2713
Federal Republic of Somalia Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Somali Regulars 261 609 2 7 11
Somali Howitzers 130 305 1 4 5
White Robe Elite Guerrillas 130 305 1 4 5
Somali Sniper Corps 130 305 1 4 5
Somali Anti-Tank 130 305 1 4 5
Total 781 1829

The Greater Kenyan Federation takes SO005 from the Federal Republic of Somalia

The Severance of Juba - SO003

When the reports came of the invasion of Bakool, a sigh of relief was breathed by some in what was left of the Somalian Garrison of Juba. The 1st Brigade felt then fear wash over them, as they realised the potential for their encirclement, and for the fact the wolves were still at the door. A light breeze would calm the nerves but the battle-myth of the divine wind was becoming as lucky as it was unlucky.
Before them stood arrayed a small, yet still vast Kenyan force, The Uniters no doubt attempting to avoid the ramifications of potential naval intervention by hiding their numbers in land.
The losses here were no less great than elsewhere for the Somalians, and still the forts had to be abandoned for the coasts of SO010.
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 793 1853 7 19 24
Askari Mlipuko 283 663 2 7 16
Askari Mkubwa 377 880 3 9 13
Total 1453 3396
Federal Republic of Somalia Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Somali Regulars 489 1141 4 12 4
Somali Howitzers 146 341 1 4 5
White Robe Elite Guerrillas 244 571 2 6 2
Somali Sniper Corps 188 441 1 5 4
Somali Anti-Tank 146 341 1 4 5
Total 1213 2835

The Greater Kenyan Federation takes SO003 from the Federal Republic of Somalia

Jubilant Juba - SO001

Defenceless. Worthless. Unguarded.
The beaches of SO001 would see themselves occupied by the Kenyan “Diviners” ready for war, rather than the families for whom the Federal Republic was seeming an increasingly distant memory.

The Greater Kenyan Federation takes SO001 from the Federal Republic of Somalia.

The Battle at Sea

The Battle of Lamu Sea

The Drone returned, the Kenyan planes had continued their orders to sink all that came, and so they would. No cloud, nor wind would offer sanctuary to the ships from their aerial “assistance”.
The Coalition Navy consists of the Federation of Europa, and the Tamilakam. Their death figures are listed later individually for adding to your abstracts.
Coalition Navy Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Pericles-class Cruiser 173 44 0 0 2
Thermopylae-class Destroyer 459 115 3 1 14
Konstantinos-class Destroyer 255 64 2 0 12
CG DD 1107 277 8 3 4
Tx 865 217 11 3 0
Total 2859 717
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
AIR Group Airburst Fighter 31 73 1 5 6
Total 31 73

The Northern Landings have to be Aborted due to massive casualties, however the Southern Landings continue as planned. Of those on the ships, 1185 transported troops drown.

Unit Units Destroyed Units to be Repaired
Tamil Militia 9 16
Tamil Artilery 2 3

The Kenyan Front

Blood in the Streets of Nairobi - KE009

The City of Nairobi stood well guarded by the reticent Kenyan Armed Forces. The Defeated so close to their own homes, against such unlikely odds. It had been them who clutched defeat from the jaws of absolute victory. Such deeds could not go unpunished, no court marshalling would compare to the penitence sought in private, the guilt that weighed in the minds of the survivors.
In stark contrast the Persian Soldier’s deed were glorious, and of much celebration. Such heroism to defeat the undefeatable, like David felling Goliath. But the Kenyan Goliath had not been felled, as so much repelled - now would come the time for the 5th stone, and the final blow. A Sun Dappled City that represented all that would be the forehead of the fearsome giant.
As the breeze still blew, the 1st Kanaanites suffered their first defeat in the name of their own hubris, and were repelled back to KE001.
Persia Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Gamarru Sargon 83 194 0 2 2
Sapqu Napilu 103 243 1 3 1
Babylon Attartu 5 13 0 1 0
Ariru Marduk 83 194 0 2 2
Sapqu Napilu Sina 20 49 0 1 0
Azannu Ispatu 20 49 0 1 0
Total 314 742
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 234 548 2 6 4
Fisi Ndege 16 39 0 1 5
Nyati Ndege 6 15 0 1 1
Chui Ndege 13 32 0 1 4
Wawindaji Ndege 1 4 0 1 0
Askari Mlipuko 177 415 1 5 4
Askari Mkubwa 215 502 2 6 3
Total 662 1555

Greater Kenyan Federation holds KE009 against the Armies of Persia.

The Second Landing at Aabuko Sukoke - KE004

The Second Tragic Landing at Aabuko Sukoke went little better than the first. The Tamil attacks were repulsed with ease from the coastal forces with no weather to assist or hinder them. By Abandoning their Artillery the retreating soldiers manage to make it back to what is left of their ships.
The Tamilakam Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Tamil Militia 97 228 0 3 3
Tamil Artillery 48 114 0 3 0
Total 145 342
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 13 32 0 1 2
Fisi Ndege 3 9 0 1 5
Nyati Ndege 1 4 0 1 1
Chui Ndege 3 7 0 1 4
Wawindaji Ndege 0 1 0 1 0
Askari Mlipuko 0 0 0 0 0
Askari Mkubwa 0 0 0 0 0
Total 20 53

Greater Kenyan Federation holds KE004 against the Tamilakam. The Surviving Tamil Artillery had to abandon their guns to retreat, this has been factored in above.

The Second Landing at Galana - KE005

The Light Wind was a deceptive factor for the Tamil Bravery, it gave them the courage to push harder, run faster, and ultimately end up further from the shore when the retreat was signalled. This time, no moment’s notice was given by the Kenyans who ran down every man, capturing them to the last.
The Tamilakam Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Tamil Militia 101 236 1 3 2
Tamil Artillery 16 40 0 1 0
Total 117 276
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 7 18 0 1 9
Fisi Ndege 0 2 0 1 5
Nyati Ndege 0 0 0 0 2
Chui Ndege 0 1 0 1 4
Wawindaji Ndege 0 0 0 0 1
Askari Mlipuko 3 10 0 1 5
Askari Mkubwa 5 12 0 1 6
Total 15 43

Greater Kenyan Federation holds KE005 against the Tamilakam. All Surviving Tamil Soldiers are taken POW (583).

Retaking the Kamale Peninsula - KE006

The luck of the KEF A had unfortunately run dry. They had dried their damp uniforms from the surf and spray, and managed their near miraculous amphibious landing, but now another Miracle would be needed. Outnumbered and Outgunned by far, the Tamil Soldiers fought hard but were eventually driven to the coast, where unlike before their ships did not wait.
Greater Kenyan Federation Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Askari 34 80 0 1 11
Fisi Ndege 2 6 0 1 6
Nyati Ndege 0 1 0 1 2
Chui Ndege 2 5 0 1 5
Wawindaji Ndege 0 0 0 0 2
Askari Mlipuko 19 46 0 1 9
Askari Mkubwa 27 63 0 1 9
Total 84 201
The Tamilakam Dead Injured Units Lost Units to Repair Units Uninjured
Tamil Militia 155 363 1 4 3
Tamil Artillery 116 272 1 3 2
Total 271 635

Greater Kenyan Federation retakes KE006 from the Tamilakam. All Surviving Tamil Soldiers are taken POW (1129).


Total Deaths to be added to Abstracts:

State Casualties
Heavenly State of Sudan 2056
Republic of Mashriq (UAF) 869
Islamic State of Egypt 1953
The Empire of Eastern India 74
Greater Kenyan Federation 4687
Federal Republic of Somalia 2948
Federation of Europa 887
Tamilakam 3690
Persia 314
Total 17,478

Total Deaths in the War so far.

Phase Quantity
Phase 1 8,253
Phase 2 17,478
War Total 25,731​


The War has only gotten Bloodier:
Colour Change Map
Occupying Lines
submitted by LordNotix to PostWorldPowers [link] [comments]

2020.09.21 15:22 rusticgorilla Lost in the Sauce: More Mueller criminal referrals closed

Welcome to Lost in the Sauce, keeping you caught up on political and legal news that often gets buried in distractions and theater… or a global health crisis.
I'm working on a big project, hoping to post it towards the end of the week. For that reason, I tried a new, shorter way of writing Lost in the Sauce. If you like it, I can do it this way in the future.

The Mueller probe

Documents released by the DOJ related to investigations started by Mueller revealed that his team found evidence that a Trump Campaign vendor and pro-Trump PAC violated numerous laws. The cases were referred to other offices for potential charges, but none were ultimately brought (see the last page in this document). The cases have since been closed.
  • It also appears that the investigation into Erik Prince was closed.
Top Mueller deputy Andrew Weissmann describes the challenges and failures of the Mueller probe in his new book, Where Law Ends. The Atlantic has excerpts from the book and an interview with Weissmann:
“The specter of our being shut down exerted a kind of destabilizing pull on our decision-making process.” Where Law Ends describes numerous instances, large and small, when Mueller declined to pursue an aggressive course for fear of the reaction at the White House... They “feared that hauling [Ivanka] in for an interview would play badly to the already antagonistic right-wing press—Look how they’re roughing up the president’s daughter—and risk enraging Trump, provoking him to shut down the Special Counsel’s Office once and for all.”
Weissmann blames this persistent timidity on one of Mueller’s other top deputies, a lawyer named Aaron Zebley... “Repeatedly during our twenty-two months in operation,” Weissmann writes, “we would reach some critical juncture in our investigation only to have Aaron say that we could not take a particular action because it risked aggravating the president beyond some undefined breaking point.”
...In our interview, I asked Weissmann if Mueller had let the American people down. “Absolutely, yep,” Weissmann said, before quickly adding: “I wouldn’t phrase it as just Mueller. I would say ‘the office.’ There are a lot of things we did well, and a lot of things we could have done better, to be diplomatic about it.”

Russian interference

FBI director confirms "very, very active" Russian efforts to interfere in election, “primarily to "denigrate Vice President Biden” (Axios and video clip).
  • Trump Attacks FBI Director Christopher Wray for Warning on Russian Election Meddling (DB).
U.S. Intel Repeatedly Warned About Rudy’s ‘Russian Agent’ Pal. For a year and a half, U.S. intelligence warned that Andriy Derkach was suspected of election interference. Yet Trump associates and supporters, including Giuliani and Sen. Johnson, still used his information (DB).
  • In December 2019, then-Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Richard Burr (R-NC) warned Johnson that his committee’s probe may only further Russia’s ambitions to undermine the 2020 election. Johnson's pushed ahead away.
Senate panel authorizes subpoenas in Republican probe targeting Obama officials. The list includes former FBI Director James Comey and former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper (Politico). At the hearing, Romney said the Biden investigation “has the earmarks of a political exercise,” citing Johnson’s recent comments:
  • Johnson (again) admitted his committee’s investigation of Biden and Ukraine is politically motivated and is meant to interfere in the election: “What our investigations are uncovering, I think, will reveal this is not somebody we should be electing president of the United States,” Johnson told a local Wisconsin TV station on Tuesday. Importantly, this is an investigation into Biden's conduct as VP that ended 4 years ago, but only began when Biden started winning primaries, and is being rushed for pre-election.
  • Senate Minority Leader Charles Schumer (D-NY) and Senate Finance Committee ranking member Ron Wyden (D-OR) tried to pass a resolution urging senators "to immediately cease any activities that allow Congress to act as a conduit" for election interference efforts or Russian disinformation. Watch video of their speeches and Johnson’s response.
State Dept. provides House Dems docs previously given to Ron Johnson's Biden probe (Politico).
U.S. Admits That Congressman Offered Pardon to Assange If He Covered Up Russia Links (DB). However, U.S. government lawyers say that Rohrabacher was not acting with Trump’s backing.

Court cases

A federal judge in Washington state on Thursday granted a request from 14 states to temporarily block operational changes within the U.S. Postal Service that have been blamed for a slowdown in mail delivery (WaPo).
“It is easy to conclude that the recent Postal Services’ changes is an intentional effort on the part the current Administration to disrupt and challenge the legitimacy of upcoming local, state, and federal elections,” Judge Bastian wrote.
  • Related: Postal Service turned a $1.6 billion profit on Amazon shipping in the fiscal year that ended last September.
The Trump administration is trying to get a federal judge to help shield thousands of internal documents about the 2020 census from the public. The DOJ missed its deadline to turn over 8,800 documents last week; the judge ordered the remainder to be produced this week (CNN).
  • “Constitution doesn't require census to be accurate, Trump administration says,” CNN
The White House said Friday that the administration will ask the Supreme Court to review a district court decision blocking the president’s order to exclude undocumented immigrants from the census count. Due to the rare makeup of the three-judge district court panel, the Supreme Court cannot decline to hear the appeal.
A federal law, known as the “Three-Judge Court Act,” specifies that constitutional challenges to federal or state legislative districts are to be considered by a three-judge federal district court panel, with direct appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.
Eric Trump is willing to be interviewed by the New York State Attorney General's Office for its investigation into the Trump Organization… but not until after the presidential election (CNN).
On Thursday, prosecutors in New York leveled new charges against Lev Parnas and David Correia, associates of Rudy Giuliani, alleging they used more than $2 million of Fraud Guarantee investors’ money on personal expenses while promising the money would only be spent on the business.
According to the New York Times, in 2018 Parnas and Correia agreed to pay Giuliani’s consulting firm $500,000 in exchange for his public endorsement of Fraud Guarantee.
The Supreme Court set arguments for Dec. 2 on the House of Representative’s bid for access to grand jury secrets in the Mueller report.

Trump keeps profiting

President Trump’s luxury properties have charged the U.S. government more than $1.1 million in private transactions since Trump took office — including for room rentals at his Bedminster, N.J., club this spring while it was closed for the coronavirus pandemic (WaPo). In other words, the Secret Service pays $17,000 a month for a cottage at Bedminster, even when Trump is in DC. Just in case he decides to visit.
The Qatari government is paying Trump $135,000 a year for an unused office in a San Francisco skyscraper, an apparent violation of the Constitution's emoluments clause. The Qatari sovereign wealth fund decided to lease space in the San Francisco building just as the Trump administration was siding with Saudi in its fight with Qatar. Soon after, the White House patched things up with Qatar.
  • In 2019, Trump welcomed Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, the ruler of Qatar, and about one third of the Qatar Investment Authority’s board of directors in the Treasury Department’s Cash Room. “I have to say that the investments that you make in the United States,” he told his guests, “are very much appreciated.”
A previously unknown company owned by Rudy Giuliani got between $150,000 and $350,000 in taxpayer-backed PPP money through a small bank tied to the Trumps and Kushners.
A group of tenants filed a lawsuit Tuesday accusing Kushner Companies of illegally collecting rent and creating dangerous living conditions (CNN).
Negotiations on a deal between the White House and pharmaceutical industry to lower drug prices broke down last month after Mark Meadows, the president's chief of staff, insisted that drugmakers pay for $100 cash cards to be mailed to seniors before the election (Axios).
  • Reminder: Trump's name was added to the physical coronavirus stimulus checks approved under the CARES Act and sent to millions of Americans earlier this year.
Trump's campaign, Republican National Committee, National Republican Senatorial Committee, and other GOP committees have together taken money from 80+ people representing themselves as employees of Qanon… which is a conspiracy theory, not an employer. These donations may violate federal election law, which explicitly forbids making ‘materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent’ statements to a federal agency.
One Trump donor who gave the president's re-election effort $140 identified his employer as "QAnon" and his occupation as "agent." Another "QAnon" employee listed his occupation as "soldier," while several others described themselves as a QAnon "digital soldier" or "patriot." Several others list either their employer or occupation as "WWG1WGA" — shorthand for the QAnon slogan, "where we go one we go all."
A digital ad released by a fundraising arm of the Trump campaign on Sept. 11 calling on people to “support our troops” uses a stock photo of Russian-made fighter jets and Russian models dressed as soldiers (Politico).
  • Russia mocks the Trump campaign for using a picture of Russian jets: “Obviously, this is a mistake caused by the beauty of Russian weapons. Probably, the designer was so impressed that he forgot to check the country of origin... we hope that he will not be punished severely."
Turning Point Action - an affiliate of right-wing provocateur Charlie Kirk’s Turning Point USA - reportedly paid teenagers in Arizona, some of them minors, to flood social media with pro-Trump messages, including disinformation about the coronavirus and mail-in voting (WaPo).

Immigration news

At minimum, 17 women have spoken out about experiencing “forced, invasive procedures” by a gynecologist at the Irwin County Detention Center in Georgia. Some of these women allege they were subject to unwanted hysterectomies and other unnecessary medical procedures with the “clear intention of sterilization,” according to a statement released by Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-WA), who was briefed on the subject.
  • There is still a level of uncertainty regarding the initial complaint filed by a nurse at the detention center. Dawn Wooten said that she included the allegations in the report with the intention of triggering an investigation into whether or not the claims were true. At the very least, it appears safe to say there is a systemic lack of informed and legally valid consent to perform procedures that could result in sterilization.
  • More: “ICE Hysterectomy Doctor Wasn’t Even a Board-Certified OB-GYN,” Daily Beast. “ICE Almost Deported Immigrant Woman Who Says She Got Unwanted Surgery While Detained,” NPR.
Inside Ice's pattern of medical neglect as immigrants flown on its planes. Heart attacks, miscarriages, and even a death have all occurred on Immigration and Customs Enforcement flights, investigation finds.
The U.S. government deported a crucial witness in an ongoing investigation into allegations of sexual assault and harassment at an El Paso, Texas, immigrant detention center.
  • According to the complaint, ICE guards would take advantage of camera blind spots at the El Paso facility, offer women money in exchange for sexual favors, and warn them against reporting anything, saying no one would believe them.
ICE is expected to begin collecting the DNA samples of people arrested across the country starting next month. The expansion opens DNA collection up to include people who are awaiting deportation and those who are not charged with a crime, such as undocumented immigrants.
A federal appeals court on Monday allowed the Trump administration to terminate a program that lets at least 300,000 immigrants live and work in the U.S. - and allows their 200,000 U.S-born children to stay. The ACLU plans to seek further appeals.
  • The ruling was made by a three-judge panel of the 9th Circuit. A Trump judge and a W. Bush judge were in the majority; an Obama appointee dissented.
Rep. Ilhan Omar warned that a deportation flight scheduled for Somalia last week may include passengers with COVID-19 symptoms. Omar noted that Somalia, which has only 15 intensive care unit beds for a population of 15 million, has refused to take deportees who are positive for COVID-19. Lawyers report their clients are not being regularly tested for the virus.


President Trump has given tentative approval to a deal that will keep TikTok alive in the U.S., essentially funneling a 20% stake in the successful company to supporters Larry Ellison and Doug McMillon of Oracle.
  • It appears that Trump is more interested in making another quid pro quo deal for himself. The president expressed disbelief that his lawyers advised him there is no “legal path” for the government to get a payout from the private deal. "Amazingly, I find that you're not allowed to do that — you're not allowed to accept money.” (clip)
  • Trump seems to have invented a deal wherein TikTok’s parent company would set up a $5 billion “patriotic education” fund. Parent Company ByteDance said Sunday it had never agreed to such a fund. In a speech on Thursday, Trump decried what he said was a "twisted web of lies" being taught in U.S. classrooms about systemic racism in America, calling it "a form of child abuse."
Top American officials could be charged with war crimes for approving bomb sales to the Saudis and their partners. Yet rather than taking steps to address the legal issues, State Department leaders have gone to great lengths to conceal them, including heavily redacting an IG report on the issue so “lawmakers with security clearances could not see them.”
Foreign Affairs Cmte. Chairman Engel: "The picture is starting to come into focus: a top priority at Mike Pompeo's State Department was to go around Congress to sell weapons, and his senior aides worked hard after the fact to obscure their indifference to civilian casualties."
U.S. Sending More Troops to Syria to Counter the Russians. The deployment of armored vehicles, advance radar, and more fighter jets comes in response to a Russian convoy ramming an U.S. ground patrol, injuring seven soldiers (NYT). On the same day, Trump declared that American troops “are out of Syria,” except to guard the region’s oil fields (admitting to a war crime, again: “We kept the oil. I kept the oil.”)
  • Former Presidential Envoy Brett McGurk: Trump says “nothing happened” after he abandoned NE Syria to Putin and Erdogan. But according to a new UN report, “war crimes”—rape, murder, abduction, looting, forced displacement—happened in areas we abandoned (and getting worse).
  • Russian jets bombed rebel-held northwestern Syria on Sunday in the most extensive strikes in six months.
The Trump Administration ordered an Al Jazeera affiliate to register as a foreign agent, following a furious lobbying campaign by the United Arab Emirates. Al Jazeera condemned the order, saying it was a precondition of the UAE to participate in Trump’s Isreal-UAE-Bahrain accord ceremony.
  • The UAE paid Aiken Gump nearly $2 million to convince lawmakers that Al Jazeera should be registered as a foreign agent. It worked on a bunch of conservatives - like Cruz, Rubio, Cotton - who pressured the DOJ to do it.
  • Read human rights attorney Noura Erakat’s analysis of the accords: “Trump 'peace' deals for Israel, UAE and Bahrain are shams. They boost oppression, not amity.” For instance, as a result of its agreement with Israel, the UAE was able to purchase high-tech weapons from the United States
submitted by rusticgorilla to Keep_Track [link] [comments]

2020.09.19 06:48 Qaaluu i am 24 years old somali business owner i own 5 fishing boats that operate in somalia

I am trying to export tuna fish since my people won't consume fish at all here in somalia 1KG of tuna is $1 And yet they don't have fish in their diet at all
I can provide 5 ton of tuna fish weekly besides my boats i have good relationships in somali fishers My main target is turkey Since turkish airlines operates here so I have alot of problems if you folks can help me
How can i find business partners how can i contact big restaurants and supermarkets ?
What's the requirements if I am willing to bring fish in foreign countries ? Do I need business license or something like that
Nb: Don't mind my English it's my third language
submitted by Qaaluu to Fishing [link] [comments]

2020.09.18 19:52 Qaaluu i am 24 years old somali business owner i own 5 fishing boats that operate in somalia

I am trying to export tuna fish since my people won't consume fish at all here in somalia 1KG of tuna is $1 And yet they don't have fish in their diet at all
I can provide 5 ton of tuna fish weekly besides my boats i have good relationships in somali fishers My main target is turkey Since turkish airlines operates here so I have alot of problems if you folks can help me
How can i find business partners how can i contact big restaurants and supermarkets ?
What's the requirements if I am willing to bring fish in foreign countries ? Do I need business license or something like that
Nb: Don't mind my English it's my third language
submitted by Qaaluu to Entrepreneur [link] [comments]

2020.09.18 19:50 Qaaluu i am 24 years old somali business owner i own 5 fishing boats that operate in somalia

I am trying to export tuna fish since my people won't consume fish at all here in somalia 1KG of tuna is $1 And yet they don't have fish in their diet at all
I can provide 5 ton of tuna fish weekly besides my boats i have good relationships in somali fishers My main target is turkey Since turkish airlines operates here so I have alot of problems if you folks can help me
How can i find business partners how can i contact big restaurants and supermarkets ?
What's the requirements if I am willing to bring fish in foreign countries ? Do I need business license or something like that
Nb: Don't mind my English it's my third language
submitted by Qaaluu to business [link] [comments]

2020.09.06 16:18 CesarRomeroAr What is Google Crowdsource?

What is Google Crowdsource?
Google Crowdsource, also known as Crowdsource, Crowdsource by Google, Community Collaboration and Contributor by Google, is a crowdsourcing platform developed by Google and aimed at improving many of its services through the training of Artificial Intelligence (AI) algorithms, with the help of volunteer users. This training, which Google points out as micro-tasks that should take no more than 5-10 seconds to complete, allows the AI to learn new skills and study a large amount of information that enhances its ability to be implemented in the various tools that the company offers (Google Translate, Maps, Fotos, Assistant, among other).
Crowdsource was developed and launched for the Android operating system in the official Google Play store, as well as in its web version, on August 29, 2016. This platform includes several short tasks that users can complete in order to sophisticate and enhance many of Google's services. These tasks include image tag verification, comment feeling evaluation and translation validation among other tasks. By completing these tasks, users provide Google with valuable data for algorithm training and service improvement. As users complete tasks, they earn achievements and recognitions that include statistics, credentials and certificates, as well as differentiated tracking of their progress by task in a User World Scoreboard (participation in this scoreboard is optional).
At launch, the Crowdsource application presented users with 5 different tasks: image transcription, handwriting recognition, translation, translation validation and map translation validation. The latest version of the application includes 7 tasks in its mobile version and 8 in its web version.
The mobile mode of the project includes the following functions:
Smart Camera: It consists of a smart camera that detects objects and provides an overview of them. The user then has to tell the function whether the description given is correct or not.
Verification of image labels: The user must indicate if the label presented to him can be the one indicated or not for the photograph that is perceived in a random way in the chosen category.
Sentimental analysis: It presents the user with various reviews and comments so that he can classify them according to his opinion as "positive", "neutral" or "negative". Also, as an alternative, the user can skip a question if they are not sure and move on to the next one. These reviews by Crowdsource users help a variety of recommendation-based technologies that Google uses on platforms such as Google Maps, Google Play Store and YouTube.
Handwriting recognition: Handwriting recognition involves users reading handwritten words and transcribing them into text. As explained by Google, completing this task helps improve the handwriting feature of the Google Keyboard.
Translation and Validation of translations: Translation-related tasks (translation and translation validation) are only shown to users who have selected more than one language in which they are fluent. While map translation validation is no longer a task in Crowdsource, users can still complete translation and translation validation tasks. Translation presents the user with one of the languages in which they are fluent, and asks them to translate it into another language in which they are also fluent. Translation validation presents users with a list of translations submitted by other users, and asks them to categorize them as correct or incorrect. Both tasks help improve the translation capabilities of Google, especially in Google Translate, and any other Google application that has translated content, including Google Maps.
Image capture: This function allows you to take photos or upload them from the gallery and share them in open source for free use on the Internet with precise tags describing the content of the photo.
Google Crowdsource - Mobile Version
The web mode in turn provides the following functions:
Verification of image labels: Same function as in the mobile version. VIEW!
Image legend: Allows you to validate or invalidate image captions that may be linked to the photograph being displayed. VIEW!
Handwriting recognition: Same function as in the mobile version. VIEW!
Reference points: This function allows you to indicate whether the reference point indicated corresponds to the image presented. This task is designed to help ensure that businesses and landmarks are recognisable on applications such as Google Maps, Google Street View, etc. VIEW!
Facial expressions: It allows you to analyze human face expressions in YouTube videos and then tell the application what kind of expression is detected. VIEW!
Translation and Translation Validation: Same function as in the mobile version.
Assistance Tutor: It allows you to show the Google virtual assistant how people could speak to you in your language.
Google Crowdsource - Web Version
Crowdsource has a "Achievements" section that shows the Statistics and Badges that the user gets by completing various tasks. Among these, the level at which the user is according to his contribution flow stands out. These range from Level 1 to Level 18.
Recently, a League Table was added that shows the progress of partners worldwide in each of the application's functions. VIEW!
Crowdsource tracks the total user contributions to the project and displays them on a counter, as well as metrics that provide a balance of responses in line with overall community responses synthesized in a section called "Votes in favour" and "Accuracy" that shows the degree of accuracy or validity of user responses.
As users complete tasks, they also receive Badges. There are badges for each type of task, which denote progress through that particular task (such as translation validation), as well as badges for other milestones, such as completing a given task through a notification.
Crowdsource is currently available in the following languages: Afrikaans, Albanian, Amharic, Arabic, Armenian, Assamese, Azerbaijani, Bahasa (Indonesia), Bahasa (Malay), Basque, Belarusian, Bengali, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Cantonese, Burmese, Catalan, Cebuano, Cherokee, Chichewa, Chinese (Simplified), Chinese (Traditional), Corsican, Croatian, Czech, Danish, Dutch, Dzongkha, English, Estonian, Esperanto, Finnish, French, French (Canada), Frisian, Galician, Georgian, German, Greek, Gujarati, Haitian Creole, Hausa, Hawaiian, Hebrew, Hindi, Hmong, Hungarian, Icelandic, Igbo, Irish, Italian, Japanese, Javanese, Kannada, Kazakh, Khmer, Kinyarawanda, Korean, Kurdish (Kurmanji), Kurdish (Sorani), Kirghiz, Lao, Latin, Latvian, Lithuanian, Luxembourgish, Macedonian, Malagasy, Malayalam, Maltese, Maori, Marathi, Mongolian, Nepali, Norwegian, Oriya, Pashto, Persian, Polish, Portuguese, Punjabi, Romanian, Romansh, Russian, Samoan, Scots Gaelic, Serbian (Cyrillic script), Serrano, Sesotho, Shona, Sicilian, Sindhi, Sinhala, Slovak, Slovenian, Somali, Spanish, Sundanese, Swahili, Swedish, Tajik, Tamazight, Tagalog/Filipino, Tamil, Tatar, Telugu, Thai, Tibetan, Turkish, Turkmen, Ukrainian, Urdu, Uyghur, Uzbek, Vietnamese, Welsh, Wolof, Xhosa, Yiddish, Yoruba and Zulu.
Much of the images donated by users have been compacted by Google and made available to the general public for access and download from the Crowdsource by Google and Open Images Dataset platforms. To date, the platforms have approximately 90 GB of 478,000 images distributed in sets of 10 x 8.80 GB for easy downloading.
Community and project blog
Recently the project team launched two pages, one for the Crowdsource Community where they present stories and experiences of users and influencers of the same, and finally a blog in development which will provide updates and news related to the world Crowdsource.
Technical data, content and privacy policies
- The application requires for its installation Android 4.3 and later versions.
- Application size: 44 Megabyte.- Mobile data usage: VIEW!
- How does Google use my answers? VIEW!
- What are the content policies of the project? VIEW!
- What are Google's Privacy Policies? VIEW!
- Frequently Asked Questions: VIEW!

More information about the project: About Crowdsource by Google
If you want to know more about Google's Artificial Intelligence, you can follow the industry blog and get to know this technology: AI Google Blog!
submitted by CesarRomeroAr to u/CesarRomeroAr [link] [comments]

2020.09.02 23:59 coRvid_ice_elation UN says new polio outbreak in Sudan caused by oral vaccine

UN says new polio outbreak in Sudan caused by oral vaccine
FILE - In this Wednesday April 24, 2013 file photo, a Somali child receives a polio vaccine, at the Medina Maternal Child Health center in Mogadishu, Somalia. The World Health Organization says a new polio outbreak in Sudan is linked to an ongoing vaccine-sparked epidemic in Chad - a week after the U.N. health agency declared the African continent free of wild polio virus. In a statement Wednesday, Sept. 2020, WHO said two children in Sudan - one from South Darfur state and the other from Gedarif state, close to the border with Ethiopia and Eritrea - were paralyzed in March and April. Both had been recently vaccinated against polio. (AP Photo/Ben Curtis, file)
LONDON (AP) — The World Health Organization says a new polio outbreak in Sudan is linked to an ongoing vaccine-sparked epidemic in Chad — a week after the U.N. health agency declared the African continent free of the wild polio virus.
In a statement this week, WHO said two children in Sudan — one from South Darfur state and the other from Gedarif state, close to the border with Ethiopia and Eritrea — were paralyzed in March and April. Both had been recently vaccinated against polio. WHO said initial outbreak investigations show the cases are linked to an ongoing vaccine-derived outbreak in Chad that was first detected last year and is now spreading in Chad and Cameroon.
“There is local circulation in Sudan and continued sharing of transmission with Chad,” the U.N. agency said, adding that genetic sequencing confirmed numerous introductions of the virus into Sudan from Chad.
WHO said it had found 11 additional vaccine-derived polio cases in Sudan and that the virus had also been identified in environmental samples. There are typically many more unreported cases for every confirmed polio patient. The highly infectious disease can spread quickly in contaminated water and most often strikes children under 5.
In rare instances, the live polio virus in the oral vaccine can mutate into a form capable of sparking new outbreaks.
Last week, WHO and partners declared that the African continent was free of the wild polio virus, calling it “an incredible and emotional day.”
On Monday, WHO warned that the risk of further spread of the vaccine-derived polio across central Africa and the Horn of Africa was “high,” noting the large-scale population movements in the region.
More than a dozen African countries are currently battling outbreaks of polio caused by the virus, including Angola, Congo, Nigeria and Zambia.
Amid the coronavirus pandemic, many of the large-scale vaccination campaigns needed to stamp out polio have been disrupted across Africa and elsewhere, leaving millions of children vulnerable to infection.
In April, WHO and its partners reluctantly recommended a temporary halt to mass polio immunization campaigns, recognizing the move could lead to a resurgence of the disease. In May, they reported that 46 campaigns to vaccinate children against polio had been suspended in 38 countries, mostly in Africa, because of the coronavirus pandemic.
Some of the campaigns have recently been re-started, but health workers need to vaccinate more than 90% of children in their efforts to eradicate the paralytic disease.
Health officials had initially aimed to wipe out polio by 2000, a deadline repeatedly pushed back and missed. Wild polio remains endemic in Afghanistan and Pakistan; both countries also are struggling to contain outbreaks of vaccine-derived polio.

LONDON (AP) — The World Health Organization says a new polio outbreak in Sudan is linked to an ongoing vaccine-sparked epidemic in Chad — a week after the U.N. health agency declared the African continent free of the wild polio virus.
submitted by coRvid_ice_elation to u/coRvid_ice_elation [link] [comments]

2020.09.02 12:03 remote-enthusiast Collection of 75 remote jobs published in last 24h

Hello friends! These are the open remote positions I've found that were published today. See you tomorrow! Bleep blop 🤖
submitted by remote-enthusiast to remotedaily [link] [comments]

2020.08.09 07:10 ToDonutsBeTheGlory "a few Somalis in suits and ties, trying to live the Western life in Mog. But the desert won, the old ways won. Somalia voted for the epic life, blasting away on your technical, not shuffling papers. Not good news if you were, say, a woman with three kids, but GREAT news if you were a khat-blasted "

A couple of years ago I mentioned that Ethiopian troops were occupying Mogadishu and said it was the perfect experimental setup for us. Now we could find out if anybody could pacify that place.
Well, the answer’s in, because the Ethiopian army just announced that it’s quitting Somalia as soon as it can sign a phony agreement with the nearest Somali faction. They’ve had it.
And I don’t blame them: two years in Somalia is like two years in Michael Vick’s kennel. No, worse. If dog years are human years times seven, then Somalia years are human years times infinity plus one. The motto of he Somali Tourist Board should be: “It’s never too soon to leave!” I don’t blame Clinton for running after that Black Hawk Down business; I blame him for not pulling American troops out the day he was sworn into office. You might as well try to turn Vick’s dogs into Quakers as teach the Somalis, the original dust devils, to be peaceable homebodies.
You might wonder how the Ethiopians ended up with the hopeless—no, just plain ridiculous—job of trying to make the Somalis play nice. The fast answer, and I know most people want the 30-second version, is that Ethiopia never saw a land grab it didn’t like, and Cheney greenlighted the move because Somalia had fallen into the hands of “Islamists.”
If you can stop fidgeting for a second, though, I’ll give you a more honest answer. First of all, saying that Mog had fallen into Islamist hands is like saying that Barstow fell into the hands of Baptists: it’s always been that way. Naturally Somalis go for that Islamic noise, because compared to the basic Somali ideology, which is “Every man for himself and eat the losers” Islamic law is bleeding-heart liberalism. It’s kind of funny, imagining Somalis begging the mullahs, “Please institute Sharia law! We’re ready for that soft, easygoing hippie ‘tude! This Somali macho stuff, it’s too harsh!” See, when Islam spread from Morocco to Jakarta it washed over all kinds of tribes. For some of them, soft city types, Sharia law was scary, hardcore stuff. But to the Somali, who were used to fighting over a few starved goats all day, and then getting up tomorrow to fight over the same lousy goats all over again, Sharia law was the Rapture. “Wait, you are telling me that Sharia forbids stealing? No stealing? So I can sleep, maybe, with both eyes closed, for the first time in my life? Bring it on, baby!”
By all accounts, Mogadishu was almost peaceful when the Islamists were in charge. It was a little like the early days of the Taleban in Kabul: nobody gave a shit whether the Taleban was “democratic” as long as they kept the random gunfire down to a steady patter. Democracy is for rich people. I guarantee if you had to live like they do in Kabul or Mog, you wouldn’t care about it either. Not after ducking warlord-vs.-warlord streetfights every time you want to get water from the neighborhood pump. It wears you out fast, that kind of living—having to check for snipers every time you cross a street. A few years of that and you kind of look forward to a little Islamic fanaticism, where nobody’s allowed to do nuthin’, make any noise or hum a tune or fly a kite or whatever. It’s “Shuttup and siddown!” to the whole neighborhood, including the warlords and their khat-chewing skinnies who’ve been zooming up and down the alleys in their technicals blowing up kids because they can’t handle their high.
So everybody in Mog was chilling, kickin’ it Sharia style, safe from random gunfire for the first time in forever. Well, we couldn’t have that, so the Ethiopian army slid downhill from its mountain bases and slithered across the desert to Mog. Looks like they didn’t enjoy the move much, though. Their occupation of Mog went just like everybody else’s. Not just trying to herd cats, more like trying to herd rabid cats. A few hundred Ethiopian soldiers got picked off, they shot back and killed a few thousand Somalis, stirring up all kinds of insane clan vendettas, sat around sweating for a while and said, “Fuck this,” and left just like the Rangers/Delta Force did fifteen years ago.
That answered the question I asked in that column a few years ago: could a black African army do a better job of occupying Mog than we did? And just like I guessed, the answer was, “Nope.” That’s because what we see as a bloody mess that needs charity is natural to most Somalis. Not all—the Somalis actually used to have a rep as the best office workers in the Horn, believe it or not, under the colonial regimes. They’re not stupid people. But they are nomads at heart, and nomads don’t really have the idea of a central government protecting everybody. They want to protect themselves. Somalis actually live the way these survivalist wackos up in the Idaho panhandle think they live: all on their own, protecting their families. The way the Idaho nuts do it is all wrong, which any Somali or Bedu could tell them: you don’t hole up in a log cabin with a bunch of motion sensors and polish your gun collection all day like a sitting duck. You move, you and your goats. You keep moving, keep watch, and don’t trust anybody outside the clan. If you’re really going to do it you can’t do that single-family stuff. Too easy to besiege and wipe out. You need a clan. So the Somalis are organized in clans for mutual defense, hitting each other and running. Used to do it on livestock, then they met their dream car, the Toyota pickup, and never looked back. Mount a Soviet heavy machine gun or AA cannon on that thing and you were living the dream.
Meanwhile there were a few Somalis in suits and ties, trying to live the Western life in Mog. But the desert won, the old ways won. Somalia voted for the epic life, blasting away on your technical, not shuffling papers. Not good news if you were, say, a woman with three kids, but GREAT news if you were a khat-blasted eighth grader ready to pull that trigger.
So the chaos, famine, etc. that the do-gooders whine about is just the Somalis’ version of like the Reagan revolution: back to the roots! Live like your forefathers! Only with Toyotas instead of camels. Faster, less smell, don’t bite. Works for me.
And once you’re living that way, war is just a fact, like the sun coming up in the morning. Rise and shine, rise and shoot! Rise and stab! Give me goats or give me death, like the Somali Patrick Henry probably said. Don’t act so shocked, either. If you’ve looked at the Iliad you know this tune. This is what those professors teach, even if the bastards won’t admit they’re teaching it: livestock raids, slave raids, raids for the sheer killing fun of it.
Naturally you need a partner for the dance, for those times when the clans stop killing each other and look over the horizon for bigger targets they can take down together. That’s how nomads think. That’s how the Mongols turned into a red tide: stopped stealing each others’ yaks and realized there were better pickings down in China or over in Central Asia.
That’s where Ethiopia comes in. When the Somalis scooted inland, they ran into the Ethiopian empire pushing eastward, out of the mountains onto the Ogaden Desert. The Somalis were natural raiders; the Amhara, the dominant tribe in Ethiopia, were farmers, land-hungry like all farmers, so they were old hands at land-grabbing. When two tribes like that overlap on the map, war is just the norm.
The Amhara were mountain people originally, from up there where it actually gets cold at the equator and even the baboons have long fur. But they’d been sending settlers down onto the hot dry flatlands of Somalia for generations. Those settlers ended up in the middle of a classic African turf war in the Ogaden desert from 1976-1978, when the Somali Army advanced all the way to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. This was one of those magnificent horn-of-Africa conventional wars that nobody had the good sense to film, damn it, so we’ll never get to see it the way we should. It must have been a thing of beauty, because the Somalis specialized in armored attacks across open desert. They had a big, well-maintained force of Russian tanks, old but solid T-34s (THE tank of the 20th century) and T-54/5s. When you consider that the population of Ethiopia is about six times bigger than Somalia’s, it’s pretty impressive the Somali tank columns pushed that far into the enemy’s homeland. But then Somalis had one big advantage: every Somali is a born killer. It’s all they know.
They also had the advantage of fighting a country that was dissolving by the day. Ethiopia has never been the most organized place on earth. It’s famous for a lot of weird stuff, like the nastiest fleas in the world, and the oldest, weirdest version of Christianity around, but it’s never been confused with a German train schedule for precision. Ethiopia was one of those places where the army was the only part of the government that actually worked. Then in 1974 a few up-and-coming Commies in the officer corps declared that Ethiopia was nothing but a crumbling, unjust, feudal mess. Which was absolutely true. Unfortunately—and you’ve probably guessed this already—what they had in mind was even worse. A lot of these officers had been educated in Moscow and come away with the impression that the Russians were communist, so like good little exchange students they wanted to bring home what they’d learned. It’s kind of funny now that we all know there were no actual commies left in Russia by that time. The Russians must have wanted to faint when they heard their Abyssinian friends chirping about the glories of communism. I bet they wanted to yell, “Dude, no! That’s just—it’s my pinchy job to tell you that shit, ese, you not s’pose ta b’lieve it!”
To be fair here, if you were a proud Ethiopian officer you had reason to be pissed off. Half the population were sharecroppers, working Amharic lords’ land for a starvation share of the crop. The population was zooming out of control, and the land was eroding. More people, less land, and an insane bunch of lords, ladies and monks running the show. It was like medieval England, only with a population explosion and a pissed-off officer corps.
So at the start of the Ethiopian revolution you’ve got an incredible beautiful mess. Check out a map of Ethiopia and you’ll see it’s like a profile of a rhino’s head (if the rhino was looking east, say—probably thinking, “God I wish I could just swim to Diego Garcia and bum a few beers from the squids, get out of this ghetto….)
The horn is sticking up into the Somali deserts. Now take it in ethnic terms: the Amhara, the dominant, Christian tribe, only control the highlands, about where the rhino’s ear would be. The top of the head is rebel territory, Eritrea and Tigre. East of there along the desert coast are the Afar, just possibly the scariest people of all the tribes of the Horn—when Amhara hear “Afar” they say “Not Afar enough!” A little tribal humor there, folks, ahem. Anyway, moving right along in this whole rhino-head thing that I’m already starting to regret getting started on, the rhino’s horn is all Somalis, and back along the jawline you’re getting into more Bantu, Central African people who speak Omoro.
OK? Enough rhino head? Me too. So OK, in 1974, right into the middle of this house of cards, or maybe bones held together with Elmer’s Glue—no, I’m not starting another rhino, damn it—into this mess steps the Derg, a secret conspiracy of 120 Ethiopian Commie army officers, mostly Tigrayan and Amharic, who are determined to mess up the one relatively stable part of the country, the Amharic highlands, by stomping the aristocracy, freeing the serfs and handing the land over to them. Surprise, surprise, it got ugly. Tomorrow I’m going to continue this story and talk about a book I found that tells you what went on from the view of a kid who actually lived through it—worth a medal right there—and belonged to two different rebel factions, one Somali and one Amharic/Commie. It’s one of the best stories I know, and one of the best ways to understand what it’s like to grow up in a place a lot farther from where you live than Pluto.
submitted by ToDonutsBeTheGlory to XSomalian [link] [comments]

2020.07.20 14:58 AmericanNewt8 [Event] President Abiy: We are One Ethiopia; and that should include our neighbors, too

Oromo. Amhara. Somali. Tigray. Sidama, Afar, and many more. Legion are the many families of Ethiopia--but together, we forge one, unified nation. We may have our disputes from time to time--but that does not change this simple fact.

Yet many of our family exist outside Ethiopia, and we should acknowledge their presence, too. Eritrea, the prodigal son--who has declared independence from an erratic and autocratic regime only to find itself under one of its own while Ethiopia has become a true democracy--still is separate from us, and though relations have warmed, unification--or perhaps more importantly, peace and freedom for the people of Eritrea--seems a distant dream. The Somalis, a wonderful people whom make up a substantial portion of Ethiopia, still have to live under the fiction of a "Somali state" set up by the autocrats of the 20th century, when, in fact, their states are numerous--Djibouti; Somaliland; Puntland; and then the so-called "central government". It is my dream that one day the Somalian people can live without fear of the terrorists who seek to drive them apart, and can come together with the Somali family of Ethiopia, becoming another vital component of our Ethiopian family. But in the meantime--we should understand that coming together can bring great benefits to all of us, even if we do not abruptly become some unified superstate in the way that our neighbors to the south are doing. Though we may live under separate governments, that does not mean that we have to be separate from each other.

So it is with this thought that I inaugurate Ethiopia's new "Good Neighbor" policy. We intend to help our relatives; our countrymen; in the immediate region, and, by doing so, help ourselves as well. The improvement of transportation links, the elimination of disease, they all bring benefits to us as well as to our neighbors. While our position is not great; compared to our neighbors, we are doing quite well for ourselves, and it is thus only right that we expend a relatively paltry sum working to fix up our neighborhood. We will also seek economic integration, and work to support the internal security of Somalia in particular. I am going to establish some basic principles for this policy as well:

Principles of Good Neighbor Policy:

  1. Territorial Sovereignty. Ethiopia will never integrate a neighbor--a relative--into itself via forceful means. Any Ethiopian military activities will be solely devoted towards securing the rights, freedoms, and safety of our neighbors.
  2. Mutual Benefit. Integration activities focused around improving security, infrastructure, agriculture, education, and more, can only benefit all of our nations, whose economic and political fates are intertwined.
  3. Ethiopian Independence. Ethiopia will not tolerate foreign meddling in the affairs of itself or its neighbors; though foreign nations are, of course, welcome to work with us as partners in creating a better world for all our Ethiopian family.
  4. Freedoms of Humanity. Freedom of speech; assembly; press; petition; voting; and movement are all to be protected under the Good Neighbor Policy, and Ethiopia will engage in activities promoting the establishment of these freedoms, along with other fundamental human rights such as freedom from fear, want, and torture, and the right to due process, among numerous more.
  5. Unification. This does not have to be defined in the narrow sense of all becoming one massive state, but, rather, reflects a whole range of options, from a common zone for freedom of movement to a customs union. We look towards the EU and East African Federation as an example rather than that of total and unequal annexation as we have seen demonstrated recently [with poor results].
submitted by AmericanNewt8 to Geosim [link] [comments]

2020.07.20 08:03 hughmcf [NEWS] Ethiopian Empire - Lore & Summary, 1936


Follow the above link for a more stylised presentation of the information below.

The Ethiopian Empire, also known as the Abyssinian Empire or more simply as Ethiopia, is an African monarchy situated primarily along the Ethiopian Highlands in the Horn of Africa region. Ethiopia has been ruled by the Solomonic dynasty since 1270, with Emperor Haile Selassie currently serving as absolute monarch. The nation includes a number of distinct ethnic groups and has historically resisted outright European colonisation, having repeatedly thrown back British and Italian invasions over a period of several decades. Christianity, Islam and traditional animistic beliefs are all practiced by the Ethiopian population, with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church enjoying a dominant status as the state church.
Ethiopia borders the Red Sea and the German colony of Djibouti to its north, the Boqorate of Somalia to its east, the German colony of Mittelafrika to its south and the Sultanate of Egypt to its west. At present, the nation is too preoccupied with domestic concerns to consider an ambitious foreign policy, with international objectives limited to managing Ethiopia's subordinate relationship with the German Empire and the reclamation of the Galla Land from Somalia.


Social hierarchy:

Having continuously sustained the apparatuses of state since the 13th Century, Ethiopia remains a predominately feudalistic society with a number of clearly-defined social classes. Most powerful are the shimaglle, Ethiopia's land-owning nobility. Nobles from the shimaglle enjoy varying amounts of influence in the Imperial Court, usually depending on the size of their estates and their personal ties to the Emperor and other nobles. Practically all arable land in Ethiopia is owned by the shimaglle, who employ serfs to work the fields in a system emblematic of pre-renaissance Europe. These serfs constitute another distinct class within Ethiopian society, making up the overwhelming majority of the nation's population. Those civilians who do not directly serve the shimaglle as serfs are usually either artisans or merchants.
Additionally, there is the traditional warrior class, known as the chewa. Men belonging to the chewa will typically serve in the private armies of the shimaglle or in the imperial military. Owing to Ethiopia's underdeveloped economy, most chewa are equipped with traditional weapons rather than modern military equipment.

Imperial politics:

Although the shimaglle enjoy significant influence at a local and regional level, national-level power is wielded by the Emperor and his Imperial Court. As has been tradition for centuries, the Emperor will appoint key noblemen as his ministers, with the most favoured/influential member of the court being appointed Chief Minister (equivalent to Prime Minister). Ethiopian politics are thus dominated less by political ideology and more by the personal loyalties and rivalries of the ruling aristocracy. Chief among these rivalries is that between the progressives (noblemen in favour of modernising and westernising Ethiopia) and the conservatives (noblemen supportive of the status quo). Though originally supported by both factions, Emperor Haile Selassie I has since come down firmly on the side of the progressives, leading painful-but-sustained efforts to modernise Ethiopia's underdeveloped economy and westernise its feudalistic society. This has generated considerable friction between the Emperor and the powerful conservative faction. Modernisation efforts have also heavily indebted the Ethiopian Government to foreign creditors, affording creditors from the German Empire significant political and economic influence across the country. Such is the depth of German influence that many have come to see Berlin as an even more powerful player in Ethiopian politics than the nobility.

Ethnic groups:

Ethiopia is in large part dominated by the Amhara people, who occupy much of the agricultural heartland and fill many positions of power. That said, centuries of rivalry between the region's many distinct ethnicities has created a careful balance in which the Gambela, Harari, Afar, Tigray, Oromo and southern ethnic groups enjoy considerable autonomy. Noblemen from these groups can just as easily participate in the Imperial Court, particularly in the case of the Oromo, who constitute the largest ethnic group in the country. Despite this balance, however, deep-seated ethno-religious tensions persist. This includes a small, Tigray-dominated separatist insurgency in Eritrea, known as the Eritrean National Congress, and an Oromo separatist movement in the highlands, known as the Oromo Independence Front. These insurgencies are small in scale, but could easily spiral out of control if inter-ethnic relations are ever mishandled by the Imperial Court. The same is true for Ethiopia's large Islamic minority, which has for centuries felt isolated and maligned by the Ethiopian Orthodoxy but is yet to organise around a singular political movement.


Despite its nominal abolition in 1924, slavery is still widely practiced across Ethiopia, thanks in large part to support for the institution among Ethiopia's conservative nobility. Slaves typically belong to shimaglle and nominally serve their lord as 'serfs', although in practice they are neither paid nor able to leave their estate. This has led some scholars to argue that slaves constitute a separate class within Ethiopian society, although this interpretation is repudiated by imperial law classing slaves as free serfs. As can be expected, the continued presence of slavery in Ethiopia has severely damaged the nation's reputation abroad.



Ethiopia's economy is made up almost exclusively by the agricultural sector, which dominates the nation's international exports and job market. Ethiopia's countless shimaglle-dominated estates produce a number of subsistence crops such as cereals, tef, potatoes, legumes and vegetables, as well as several cash crops, including coffee, sugarcane, khat, enset and sugarcane. Regrettably, an excessive focus on cash crops, combined with severe economic underdevelopment, poor infrastructure and unreliable rainfall has created a food insecurity security in Ethiopia. This has led to several famines in recent memory, with little standing in the way of further famines in the near-future.
Ethiopia's agricultural sector also includes a proud pastoralist tradition, with the nation boasting large herds of cattle, sheep, goats and camels, used to produce meat, milk, leather, cheese and several niche products. Much of this industry is dominated by the informal sector, which often sees pastoralists trade with trusted local partners across national boundaries in Somalia, Mittelafrika and Egyptian Sudan.

German influence:

After years of slow-paced modernisation efforts, what little industry the Ethiopian economy possesses has fallen under the near-total control of German investors, who maintain unrivaled influence in the Imperial Court. This, together with the massive public debt incurred to German creditors and the presence of the Trans-Afrikan railway linking German Mittelafrika to Djibouti via Ethiopia has placed Addis Ababa firmly within the German economic sphere. Germany's influence has proven extremely unpopular in Ethiopia; a nation which prides itself on having never been colonised by the European powers. Progressives decry the national debt and German industrial ownership, seeing these developments as insults to Ethiopian sovereignty and counter-productive to modernisation plans. Conservatives, meanwhile, see the nation's dependence on Berlin as punishment for attempting to modernise, believing that Ethiopia must instead chart an isolation and traditionalist course free from modern industry and overseas interests. Despite these sentiments, however, it is difficult to see an economic future for Ethiopia without continued German influence.


Beyond Ethiopia's gargantuan agricultural sector and meagre industrial base, the country also possesses a relatively large mining industry. Mining exports are dominated by gold, with copper mines in the highlands and Eritrea also providing major contributions to the international market.


Owing to Ethiopia's 1918 entry into the Weltkrieg on the side of the Central Powers (which saw Ethiopia's re-annexation of Italian Eritrea), Addis Ababa maintains close ties to Berlin. Military cooperation between the two powers remains a priority for Ethiopia, with much of the Ethiopian military equipped with German equipment and Emperor Haile Selassie I even serving as an honourary Generalfeldmarschall in the Deutsches Heer (German Army). High-level military cooperation of this variety is necessary to offset Ethiopia's neighbours in Somalia and Egypt, who are each distrusted by strategists in the Imperial Court. German economic and political cooperation also remains a top priority for the Imperial Court, which must balance Berlin's overriding economic influence, dominant regional presence and extensive lines of credit as part of its day-to-day management of the nation.
Ethiopia maintains frosty relations with Somalia, which occupies large tracts of territory claimed by Ethiopia (known as the Galla Land). Although open war between the two states is always a possibility, a number of crucial factors have combined to keep the peace between the regional powers for the time being. These include Germany's mediating influence in both countries, which has unofficially bound the two rivals within the same economic/political sphere, as well as the relative strength of the Somali military, which despite its low manpower poses a significant threat to Ethiopia. Similarly frosty relations exist between Ethiopia and Egypt, which share a mutual mistrust in the Blue Nile region dating back centuries.


Ethiopia's military, like its society, has remained remarkably feudalistic in nature. Only 4,000 infantrymen in the entire country are trained and equipped to a modern standard. This cohort of elite troops is known as the Kebur Zabagna (Imperial Guard) and reports directly to the Emperor. The Kebur Zabanga includes three battalions of trained regular infantry armed with rifles, machine guns and mortars, one ceremonial battalion known as the Mahal Safari and one heavy machine gun battalion.
Another 40,000 infantry and cavalrymen with varied degrees of training serve in the private armies of the shimaglle, being members of the chewa warrior class. Chewa troops are predominately equipped with outdated rifles and traditional Ethiopian weaponry such as swords, spears and bows, with only a small number equipped with modern weapons of war. The outdated command structure and equipment of the chewa armies is believed to explain Ethiopia's appalling record in the Weltkrieg, which saw Ethiopian troops struggle to defeat a small, isolated outpost of Italian and Tigrayan troops in Eritrea. Significant reform is required if Ethiopia is ever to overwhelm its numerically-weaker but modernised Somali neighbour.
In times of total war, it is estimated that a further 500,000-950,000 Ethiopian men could be rallied to arms by imperial order.
As far as air power is concerned, Ethiopia possesses 22 German post-war interceptors, which are stationed a few kilometres from Addis Ababa and are technically part of the Kebur Zabanga. Due to its crippling debt and the arid, under-populated nature of the Eritrean coastline, Ethiopia is yet to develop a navy.
NOTE: Above information has been built almost entirely out of the Kaiserreich Wiki and relevant Wikipedia articles. Edits for formatting.
submitted by hughmcf to WeltkriegPowers [link] [comments]

2020.07.11 00:14 j3t111 A snippet of racism in Sweden

Background info: my older brother suffered a severe stroke 5 years ago which left him paralyzed. He can literally only move half of his face, his right arm and some of his toes.
Yesterday, the two of us went for a walk around the park when I got a phone call. I parked my brother's wheelchair next to a bench and walked a few steps away to talk. Suddenly, a drunk cyclist lost control and crashed into him. My brother bumped his head badly and got a nasty swelling.
Naturally, I call 911. The police show up first and immediately sideline us and started questioning if we hurt the cyclist. So, there I am completely baffled and shook and I am like 'er….guys….it was us who called to complain about him.' I told them what happened. One cop didn’t believe us and asked if my brother caused it.
Let me get this straight, my brother miraculously healed himself, crashed into the guy and then finally, crippled himself all over again. The same cop (let's call him Asshole) then told me to either talk to him respectfully or he won't help. Again, I am utterly baffled. My brother can't speak clearly but he made a groaning-like sound, trying to say something and Asshole says, " håll tyst!" (A disrespectful way of saying shut up, not that there is a polite way to say that)
First of all, I wasn’t yelling or cussing. I sounded frustrated because Asshole wouldn’t believe me and kept interrogating us. And only us. Secondly, it's his fucking job. He should be doing it regardless. Lastly, he has no fucking right to treat us like this. I open my mouth but before I could say anything, his partner steps in and apologizes. As Asshole walked away to take witness accounts, I could clearly hear him say: "jävla invandrare". Which means "fucking immigrants" because we're Somali-Swedish and I'm wearing a hijab. A phrase I've heard many, many times. A while after, they come back to us to finalize things and I tell them I want to press charges.
Asshole interjects, laughing and saying we're making a big deal out of nothing, etc. I tell I don’t care. I still want to press charges because this guy could have seriously injured my already vulnerable brother. Asshole doesn’t take me seriously and I literally had to repeat myself 7 fucking times before they promised to file a charge.
I realize police brutality (or racism in general) in Sweden isn’t as bad as other countries looking at you, America but it also doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist. It's subtle and very well hidden but believe me, it's there. Especially, in recent years with the rise of nationalism and right win parties. Immigrants have been used as scapegoats to explain any economic downturns. Tricking the populace into thinking 'if we get rid of them, we can have the old Sweden back'.
I've had people accuse me of 'sucking the system dry' when in reality is: I work two jobs and pay my taxes on both. From time to time, I volunteer to help other newcomers assimilate. I've also been told to be 'grateful' when I tried to raise complaints about things we can do better. I am so tired. Just fucking tired. Its exhausting living like this.
And if anyone is wondering, my brother is fine. He has a second-degree concussion but he's hanging in there. Lastly, I don’t have the energy to respond back. I’m also kinda busy. It’s just something I wanted to get off my chest so I can calm down and feel better. Thank you for listening.
submitted by j3t111 to offmychest [link] [comments]

2020.06.08 23:17 zack7858 June 8 Update #2: Clarification and Update on Claim Types

With the season starting now officially a week from today, we have been working to iron out any remaining systems. This update should be the last of the relatively big announcements, as it has implication for claiming and claim types. We have changed the city-state claim type to a state claim type. Note that we are not getting rid of city-states as an institution. They still will very much exist, but as for claim types, they fall under the “state” designation. Seeing such, these are the three different claim types to choose from:
State Sedentary Nomadic
States represent those organised polities with administrative bureaucracy and centralised power, draft labour, and were almost always, until much later, built on domesticated grains for concentrated production, tax assessment, appropriation, cadastral surveys, storage, and rationing. Sedentism came about millenia before states, and they were much more widespread historically. Represents peoples who generally stay in one place, but still distinctly non-state. This claim type represents steppe tribes, some pastoralists and traders, and generally do not have any fixed habitation.
The role of the claim type is twofold. First, it determines those who can migrate, and those who cannot. And second, it distinguishes between state institutions and non-state peoples, which both respectively have radically different means of operation and player experiences whilst writing as them.
State claims, early on, are small and difficult places to live in. Either it invested heavily in defenses against raiding, and / or it paid tribute--protection money--to potential raiders in return for not being plundered. In either case, the fiscal burden on an early state, and hence its fragility, increased appreciably. While raiding's spectacular quality tends to dominate accounts of early states relationship with barbarians, it was surely far less important than trade.
Early states, located for the most part in rich alluvial bottomlands, were natural trading partners with nearby barbarians. Ranging widely in a far more diverse environment, only the barbarians could supply the necessities without which the early state could not long survive: metal ores, timber, hides, obsidian, honey, medicinals, and aromatics. The lowland kingdom was more valuable as a trade depot, in the long run, than as a site of plunder. It represented a large, new, and lucrative market for products from the hinterland that could be traded for lowland products such as grain, textiles, dates, and dried fish.
Early states come in the form of city-states, some examples include:
Their size is due to the historical period / political climate / geographical features. Let’s say early Athens, for example. The reason they are small and not expansionist (yet) is not because of any arbitrary decision, but rather just because of the geography of the region, the status quo among its neighbors, the resources it had access to, political considerations, and the likes.
And that brings us to the non-state claim types, sedentary and nomadic.
Both foraging and hunting became, with the expansion of trade, more of a trading and entrepreneurial venture, than a pure subsistence activity. The result of this symbiosis was a cultural hybridity far greater than the typical "civilised barbarian" dichotomy would allow. The early state or empire was usually shadowed by a "barbarian twin", which rose with it and shared its fate when it fell. The Celtic trading oppida at the fringe of the Roman Empire is an example of this dependency (one which would fall under the sedentary claim type). Thus, this long era of relatively weak agrarian states and numerous mounted non-state peoples was something of a golden age of barbarians. They enjoyed a profitable trade with the early states, augmented with tribute and raiding when necessary. They avoided the inconvenience of taxes and agricultural labour. They enjoyed a more nutritious and varied diet and greater physical mobility.
Each claim type represents a distinct lifestyle and play style, when it comes to writing in the community. Neither is inherently better or worse, but rather, are merely adapted for their geographic, political, and economic environments.
Nomadic and sedentary claims will be more flexible when it comes to geographic extent, able to represent confederations.
State claims are more difficult. State institutions spread at different rates in different areas through history.
Though that can be augmented through player action, but there are still definitive reasons why things progressed as they did in our timeline. They require quite a few things to happen, so if those are accounted for in a feasible manner, then it will be allowed, but if not, then a sedentary claim is probably best. Also note that, especially early on, states will be quite small (one to two tiles)
Transitioning to the other type is allowed after a decent amount of RP has been given over a period of time, and moderator approval.
TL;DR Essentially, we are replacing city-state claim types with the state claim type. States are build upon cereal grains, including rice and millet, with tenant farmers that they tax and can mobilise for whatever they see fit. Sedentary is any other claim that does not migrate. And nomadic is for migratory people or some pastorals.
EDIT: States do not have the same 1-province claiming restrictions as the former city-state claim type. Though, that said, state claims, especially early on, are very limited in size. At game start (4000BCE), none should be above one or two tiles. Dependent on area, geography, and technological innovation, regions should start with nearly exclusively city-states, with maximum size increasing through time. The mountainous regions of Greece would most likely harbour city-states for much longer than, say, Mesopatamia, with its alluvial bottomlands.
Further, there are no arbitrary expansion limits for states, though keep in mind the size of historic states in similar regions and their sizes, and the reasons for that.
submitted by zack7858 to HistoricalWorldPowers [link] [comments]

2020.06.08 16:36 Charicici Older cat(m) highly dislikes 10 month old kitten(f)

Hi everyone, my partner and I have two cats, Matcha a 10 months old female Somali who has been neutered two months ago and Noodles a 12 year old male European shorthair who has been castrated. When we got Matcha last december she was very curious about Noodles but he would hiss/swipe at her. After we told him ''no'' he stopped and would go out of his way to groom her. However Matcha would no longer have any of it and she turned to hissing and swatting. After she got comfortable enough she stopped doing so but it was Noodles who now wants nothing to do with her. That's how it has been ever since and the atmosphere is stressing all of us out.
Noodles starts hissing and growling at Matcha as soon as he sees her. This is because Matcha is always trying to play with him, pounce him or bully him. When we give Noodles attention she butts in immediately. We understand that this is very stressful for him. This has resulted in him wanting to go outside all the time, not wanting to be touched or hissing at my partner and I whenever Matcha is around. He can be a sourpuss but is still very cuddly when she is not around or if she is sleeping/relaxing in the same room.
What can we do to make things better for both our cats? We already reintroduced them (we went too fast the first time) and this helped a little. Should we try it once again? Perhaps add more cat toys and high places?
TLDR: My older cat keeps hissing/swatting at our 10 months old kitten. The kitten likes to hunt him.
submitted by Charicici to CatAdvice [link] [comments]

2020.06.07 02:22 finnagains Fury Over Minneapolis Police Murder - Only Revolution Can Bring Justice!

MAY 28 – “I can’t breathe,” George Floyd kept saying as the police officer dug a knee into his neck. This murderous torture continued for at least seven minutes as Floyd, 46, of St. Louis Park, Minnesota, lay handcuffed on the ground. Then he stopped breathing – yet another black man murdered by the racist police. For millions across the country and the world, it hauntingly, unbearably recalls the last words of Eric Garner, the Staten Island, New York man that a cop killed by chokehold in 2014 as Garner kept saying, eleven times over, “I can’t breathe.” A cellphone video of the police lynching showed Floyd desperately pleading with his killer, a Minneapolis cop: “Please, please, please, I can’t breathe. Please, man” (Star Tribune, 27 May).
Thousands marched through South Minneapolis Tuesday afternoon and evening, chanting “Black lives matter,” “I can’t breathe,” and demanding that the four cops responsible for Floyd’s murder be arrested and prosecuted. Protesters gathered at 38th Street and East Chicago Avenue, where Floyd was murdered, filling the streets in all directions, and then marched for three miles to the Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) 3rd Precinct. There windows were shattered, and a squad car was totaled. Some protesting youth climbed on top of the building. When they were met with riot police, tear gas and rubber bullets, protesters erected barricades with shopping carts from a Target store across the street and fought back with righteous anger. Good!
Large-scale protests continued on Wednesday and are spreading to other cities. In Minneapolis, police swarmed the area where furious protests were taking place. Now Mayor Jacob Frey has requested “support” from the National Guard. On top of wanton police murder of a black man, they add racist repression of the community. As outrage spread, a Metro Transit bus driver, member of Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) Local 1005, announced that he would refuse to transport arrested protesters, as the MPD was demanding, and called on his fellow union members to do likewise. With police menacing the masses demanding justice for George Floyd, the entire workers movement and defenders of black and democratic rights must demand: Cops and National Guard, get out NOW!
This latest racist outrage occurs in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, which is killing African Americans and Latinos at staggeringly high rates. Capitalism’s built-in racist oppression means that those most exploited and most oppressed – who are most “essential” to profits and most expendable to the profiteers – are the most likely to die. And now the rulers’ racist police choke another black man to death – it is too much to take. It has to end. To put an end to it we have to overthrow this capitalist system of racism and death.
The African American, Latin American, Native American, poor and oppressed communities in the Twin Cities, including a sizeable Somali population, have long been targeted by the police. In 2015, 24-year-old Jamar Clark was shot in the head by Minneapolis cops while handcuffed and on the ground near the 4th Precinct. The next year, Philando Castile was shot to death in his car in front of his girlfriend and four-year-old daughter by a police officer in the St. Paul suburb of Falcon Heights. In 2018, Thurman Blevins was shot dead by two white cops as he pleaded, “Please don’t shoot me. Leave me alone.” And last December, Chiasher Fong Vue, a Hmong man, was killed by a squad of nine MPD officers who fired over 100 bullets.
Today, as the pandemic has led to mass unemployment, the ruling class fears that the killing of George Floyd could lead to a resurgence of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement that started after the murder of Trayvon Martin in 2012 and took off in 2014 as hundreds of thousands protested the police murder of Michael Brown, Eric Garner and so many others. And as right-wingers have besieged the Minnesota state capitol demanding an end to the COVID-19 shutdowns ordered by the Democratic Farmer-Labor Party (DFL) governor, an uproar against racist repression could trigger a backlash, like the armed KKKers who attacked a BLM protest against the police murder of Jamar Clark.
So Minneapolis’ DFL mayor Frey and black police chief Medaria Arradondo moved quickly to try to get out in front of the protests. “Being black in America should not be a death sentence,” said Frey after watching the bystander’s video. On Tuesday, Arradondo fired the four police involved in the arrest of Floyd. The next day, the mayor said that the cop who had his knee on Floyd’s neck should be arrested and tried. But as we wrote after the cop slaying of Clark:
“Democrats and Republicans will not and cannot put a stop to racist police terror because they depend on the guard dogs of capital to maintain ‘law and order.’ Some of these politicians feign support to protests like Black Lives Matter in order to make sure they don’t get ‘out of control’ (i.e., threaten the domination of United Healthcare, Target, Best Buy, 3M, U.S. Bancorp, General Mills and other giant corporations). And if protesters can’t be assuaged by ‘I feel your pain’ bromides, the liberals call in the cops.” –“Minneapolis: ‘Cops and Klan Go Hand in Hand’,” The Internationalist No. 42, January-February 2016
In the massive BLM protests in 2014, a slogan chanted by the Internationalist Group, “Eric Garner, Michael Brown – Shut the whole system down!” was quickly picked up. But with all the mass marches in the streets – or shutting down Interstate highways, as protesters did for a few hours on I-94 after the cop murderer of Philando Castile was acquitted – it will take much more to shut down the capitalist system. That is why the IG and Revolutionary Internationalist Youth call to mobilize laboblack/immigrant action against racist police terror. It is the power of the multiethnic working class, grouping around it all the oppressed, that can actually bring the wheels of racist American capitalism to a halt. And that is also why, as many chanted “No justice, no peace,” we chanted the hard and necessary truth, “Only revolution can bring justice!”
Can the working class be mobilized against police terror? There’s no better place in the U.S. to ask that question than Minneapolis, with its long history of labor struggle going back to the 1934 Teamster Strike that shut the city down. In that knock-down, drag-out fight, workers squared off with scabs, strikebreaking cops and deputies of the Citizens’ Alliance (which later allied with the fascist Silver Shirts) in the “Battle of Deputies Run,” turning Minneapolis from an “open shop” haven into a solid union town. And the answer to the question is, yes, the workers movement can and must come out in the thousands demanding an end to racist cop repression. It could happen now, not just in the distant past, but that requires class-struggle leadership.
Six years after Eric Garner’s murder, five years after Jamar Clark’s, four years after Philando Castile’s, two years after Blevins’ and six months after Fong Vue’s, the video of Floyd’s killing is a stark reminder that nothing has changed in the racist, capitalist U.S.A. On May 6, Sean Reed livestreamed his murder by Indianapolis, Indiana police on Facebook. After shooting Reed, one cop can be heard saying: “It’s going to be a closed casket, homie.” On March 13, Breonna Taylor, an emergency medical technician in Louisville, Kentucky, was shot while sleeping in her apartment by police thugs who stormed in to serve a “no-knock warrant.” And on February 23, Ahmaud Arbery was shot and killed in Georgia by a retired cop and his son. The two chased Arbery down in their pickup truck while he was out for a jog, and shot him dead like a couple of Ku Klux Klan night-riders. The lynchings never stop.
“Driving while black,” “jogging while black,” “sleeping at home while black.” Floyd is just the latest addition to the endless list of African Americans and Latinos murdered by the police, in a country where racist repression is and always has been the linchpin of capitalist exploitation. This goes back to slavery days, when runaway slaves would be hunted down by squads of slave catchers. These patrols paved the way for modern-day police departments. In recent decades, the police and courts have ramped up mass incarceration, particularly of black men, while cops across the U.S. kill an average of over 1,500 civilians a year, with black men five times as likely to be gunned down by police as white men.
In Minneapolis, 31 people have been killed by police since 2000, 21 of them black. As in 2015, the city has asked for a civil rights investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. FBI investigations of police departments from Chicago and Baltimore to Ferguson, Missouri, have shown that they are shot through with racism, but have changed nothing.
Another favorite cop-out to disguise the racist nature of the cops is to put some “black (and Latino) faces in high places” to head the police. Arradondo is the first black police chief of Minneapolis. He replaced Janeé Harteau, who was a liberal identity politics dream: the city’s first Native American, female and openly gay police chief, all in one. She introduced body cameras and “implicit bias training.” But police racism isn’t implicit, it is overt and systemic: it expresses the function and nature of the police and “criminal justice system” in this racist capitalist society. Harteau managed to tough it out through the crisis over Clark’s killing, but was forced out after police murdered a white Australian woman, Justine Damond, outside her home, after she had called to report a possible sexual assault. This happened just weeks after the Latino cop who killed Philando Castile was acquitted. Whatever the ethnicity, the job of the police is to enforce racist capitalist “law and order.”
One demand heard in Tuesday’s protests, trumpeted by various opportunist left groups, is the call to “jail killer cops.” Certainly, Derek Chauvin, the officer who kneed George Floyd to death, Tou Thao who stood by and protected his murderous partner, and the other two officers involved are all guilty of murder and should spend the rest of their lives behind bars. But as revolutionary Marxists, we must warn that this won’t happen in the capitalist U.S.A.: the bourgeois politicians will go all out to protect their professional killers-in-blue. Similarly, calls by reformist leftists for “community policing,” “community control of the police” and the like only build illusions, which can be exploited by skillful capitalist politicians, as Minneapolis mayor Frey just did by calling to jail and charge killer cop Chauvin. (Democratic congresswoman Ilhan Omar, a favorite of the pseudo-socialists, didn’t even go that far, only calling for an investigation.)
Those who stand on the side of the oppressed must look not to the bosses’ state but to our own forces, above all the working class. After Jamar Clark was killed in 2015, over 200 union members from around the Twin Cities protested outside the 4th Precinct, including from the Minnesota Nurses Association, Letter Carriers, SEIU Healthcare MN, St. Paul Federation of Teachers, and CWA Local 7250. We need much more today.
Class-conscious workers and defenders of democratic rights should respond to the police murder of George Floyd by fighting for mass workers action joining with the black population and all the oppressed to shut the Twin Cities down! This means breaking with the Democrats and all capitalist parties and politicians. In almost every big city in the U.S., Democratic mayors are the bosses of the racist killer cops. It is urgently necessary to build a revolutionary workers party. The inescapable fact is that justice for George Floyd and all those killed by this racist system can only be achieved by socialist revolution, which alone can bring down the murderous capitalist state and open the way to black freedom and the liberation of all the exploited and oppressed.■
submitted by finnagains to Socialist_ [link] [comments]

2020.06.06 13:48 mushti2233 Consolidate western culture with traditional culture when it comes to marraige.

Just as the title. I grew up in the Middle East and grew up with Western education. Not really religious and not really somali.
I recently moved back to the motherland, and feeling the pressure to get married by family and society. Somalis frown upon a man who is in his thirties and hasn't married yet, they think you are either gay or something is wrong with you.
I honestly don't associate that much with somali culture, I feel like I never belonged, I don't know many things about the culture or the traditions. I don't actively search for a partner, I've made a decent bit of money in my life . So money is not an issue.
Is there something wrong with me to not be interested in getting married? Atleast until I find someone interesting? Why does society make me feel inferior because I'm single by choice? Or should I just get married for the sake of it?
submitted by mushti2233 to Somalia [link] [comments]

2020.05.24 22:50 marsworms The Necessity of Cooperation with Russia

Originally published in The Crescent, a premier nationalist publication in Mogadishu, on 16th of October 1938. Written by Mukhtar Mohammad Hussein, Young Somalia leader and future minister of foreign affairs in the government of Grand Vizier Abdul Sallan.

The Necessity of Cooperation with Russia

To truly attain a vibrant and young Somalia, fully independent and fully realized, the nation must learn from the world; nobody of any worth advocates for isolation and inward focus. We have known this well! Our capital and many other cities teem with those educated in Berlin, Hamburg, Frankfurt, Paris, Vienna, Istanbul, Cairo, and Tokyo. The German schools have many benefits, but they bring with them their own difficulties; Germany is, after all, the great exploiter of our repressed nation and our ultimate enemy. To attain an independent and youthful Somalia, the German influence must be eliminated. But this is well known, and something that even those educated in Berlin and Frankfurt acknowledge! Much has been written of France and Japan: the former leads the European workers and may seem to be a font of liberation, but do not be fooled! European ways may better Somalia, but we should not strive too much to be like them! The recent revolution in that country has been a double-edged sword; the organic democracy of the people is a laudable goal, but at the same time they scorn the attentions of the world hungering for national liberation. When our Boqor began the program to send soldiers abroad for education in 1936, Paris refused us. Japan, on the other hand, is the leader of the colored world. They stand with Black Africa, and Black Africa answers! But Somalia is not truly of Black Africa; it is a Muslim nation and an Arab nation. Our place is at the confluence of Black Africa, the Indian Ocean, and the Arabian world. Japan can never understand this; though we appreciate their commitment to true anti-imperialism. The colonial world will be liberated and the model placed forward by Meiji will be followed!
The Japanese Oriental model can only be applied here in Somalia once the nation has been secured, but at the present time it is under grave threat. Ethiopia, which encourages German loans like a whore accepting unscrupulous payment. They are a teeming nation which looms as an eternal threat to the safety of our holy land; though I, as all other true opponents of imperialism should, stand with the people of Ethiopia in their struggle against the German bank and German merchant. Ethiopia holds tens of millions more people than our territory holds, and boasts a stronger military on top of that. Our military strength is essential. Our soldiers remain abroad, educated in Cairo and Tokyo, and yet that baying hyena Haile Selassie begs for Somali blood. The Ogaden will not be stolen from us, torn from our soft youthful hands which have held it since the land was liberated by Sayyid Mohammad Abdullah Hassan. Our closest ally in any future engagement with Ethiopia must be Egypt; King Farouk is the leader of the Arab Muslim world, of which we are a part. However, there is one other nation which has a similar national-historical experience to ours, and which is struggling with its own process of youthful nationalism and military defense: Russia.
Why Russia? The frigid country could not be further from the realities of the warm and bountiful Somalia. I will answer why Russia; why it is of the utmost necessity that we send a delegation of soldiers to be educated at their finest military academies, facilities which we simply do not have in this country. Firstly, there are national-historical matters; in many ways, although the Russians are formerly an imperializing power which repressed our Muslim brothers in Azerbaidzhan, Turkestan, and Tatarstan, they have become themselves a victim of the very same imperialism which represses us now and has for decades held down the Chinese. The German with his companies, his banks, his loans and merchants, rampages through Moscow just as he does through Berbera and Mogadishu. There is a new leader in Russia which is standing up to this; his name is Boris Viktorovich, and I am sure that any who read the Italian and German press know about him. He has made quite a stir in Europe, and there is a lot to be inspired with in his efforts. Another factor on the national-historical development of Russia in comparison to Somalia is the matter of national spheres; many of our Muslim brothers have mistakenly believe that the Russian is a European man, and while this is true, it is just as true for them as being a Black African is for a Somali. We are Black and we are White Arab; the Russian is White European and he is Asiatic. We sit at the confluence of Black Africa and Arabia and the Indian Ocean; the Russian sits at the confluence of Slavic Europe, Tatar Asia, and an Oriental Christianity. There is much to learn in the national development of Russia, especially as they throw off the chains of debt peonage and become truly independent masters of their own destiny.
The Russian President Boris Viktorovich has begun a forceful program of military expansion; Russia is a very large nation, bordered on all sides by threats, not least of which is its close proximity to the German that forced upon it debts and loss of land and people. We know this all too well! Many of our Muslim brothers and sisters still live in oppression in Ethiopia; Germany has forced on us numerous debts and impossible loans. Not only is this an affront to our national independence, it is an affront to Islam! Why is it acceptable for a German man, when abiding himself in an Islamic country, to charge great interest on loans? This is the greatest failing of our nation’s leadership; they fail both the shari’a and our national independence by accepting the German’s loans. To return to the question of the necessity of Russian collaboration; Russia has already begun military operations in Asia, in the Caucasus and in Turkestan. The loss of independence for our Muslim brothers is saddening, yes; but perhaps their national development will be better accentuated by involvement with the Russian project than by repression by German loans and Ottoman occupation? There is, however, an important thing to note here; the techniques used by the Great White Army are those directed against the colonized enemy; we must apply the very same techniques to our inevitable confrontation with the Ethiopian. The failure of Turkestan is the victory of Somalia; we must learn from the Russians in their wars with Muslim Asia for how best to assert ourselves against Christian Africa.
There are three nations in the world which shall serve as models for Somalia: Japan, Egypt, and Russia. Japan defeated the European world in 1905 and stands as an equal partner in China; Japan stands with the liberation of Asia and Black Africa. Egypt sits at the head of the Arab Muslim world, and there will be a confrontation between their armies and those of the Turkish Caliph. I am not usually in the business of prediction, but rest assured that there will be war between Egypt and Turkey by 1940. While we currently honor the Sultan-Caliph, we must stand with Egypt for the development of the Arab Muslim world. Then there is Russia, throwing off the very same shackles which bind us to Europe, teaching us how best to defend ourself in their defense of their homeland. This is why we must expand the army education abroad program to include the Russian State! I urge all of you, readers of the intellectual and modern publication of The Crescent to speak with your local guardsman, petition your sultan and your Boqor, and write articles in your local publications in support of sending our soldiers to Russia to be educated in their matters. Up until now, that country have seemed like an abandoned victim of German repression, but no more! A youthful Somalia will stand with a revitalized Russia!
Although a rather short article, this work by Hussein was rather impactful on Somali politics. Mukhtar Mohammad Hussein led the charge in petitioning Boqor Mohamoud to send soldiers to Russia, which resulted in the second wave of soldiers educated abroad and produced Chief Commander Mohamed Siad Barre. It also established some of the principles which would develop later into more refined concepts of Somali nationalism, centered on the idea of "Somaliya Weyn" or "Great Somalia" as a national sphere at the intersection of Africa, Arabia, and the Indian Ocean. This conception of Somali nationalism would become central to the Somali People's Party, established in 1948.
submitted by marsworms to krasnacht [link] [comments]

2020.05.24 19:02 marsworms Krasnacht Transmission #5: Death Marches Straight at Them

Hans, ze transmission broke!
Unfortunately, the German Transmission has broken down, and so we’re stuck in the Horn of Africa for now. But while we’re here, marsworms has prepared a special Eid Transmission for you, so why not take a look at the lore and gameplay of the Boqorate of Somalia? - doorhanger93.
Eid Mubarak! This is marsworms, the head developer for the Horn of Africa, here to welcome you all to the land that teems with poets, the teetering power of east Africa: the Boqorate of Somalia, and one of the major directions it can go in-game. We'll start with a description of the history of Somalia from its full independence up to the start of Krasnacht, but before we begin though, how about a playlist of Somali music to listen to while you read?

SOMALI HISTORY (1925-1950)

Born out of the anti-colonial struggle of Mohammad Abdullah Hassan and his Dervish movement, the Somali state which had entrenched itself with the collapse of the Italian empire in 1919 was completely redefined by the flight of the royals from London in 1925 due to revolutionary unrest. Haji Sudi, the military commander and immediate successor to the great zealous leadership of Hassan, had negotiated a protectorate treaty with the British, which fell apart with the end of the British empire. In the subsequent power struggle after Sudi’s fall from grace, one man rose to the forefront, with a broad base of support among the local sultans and tribal leaders: Mohamoud Ali Shire, Sultan and Senior Akil of Warsangeli, crowned as Boqor of All Somalia in 1925. With British influence nil following the flight of the royals, the resurgent powers of Europe swooped in, the Ottomans officially endorsing native rule in Somalia and the German empire entering into further economic ties with the Horn. The two emerging economies of Ethiopia and Somalia were ripe opportunities for German businesses to invest in, with loans made by the German Imperial Bank to both states and a 99-year lease made by Germany on the important port of Berbera. Germany’s interest in the region was to turn the Empire of both Ethiopia and Somalia into debt colonies, and ensuring at least a modicum of peace between the two regional powers. The greatest challenge to this was the Ogaden region, a majority Somali and former Ethiopian territory which was seized by the Dervishes in the 1910s but which was still claimed by Ethiopia. Germany chose to ignore the issue, in order to not show a bias that could threaten their trade, and beyond the occasional skirmish between Ethiopian and Somali forces, nothing was done about the disagreement.
Throughout this period of German economic involvement, Somalia remained underdeveloped industrially and agriculturally, functioning as little more than a go-between for German merchants and a debt colony for German banks. In this environment of intense backwardness and increased contact with Europe, a new movement arose: Young Somalia. Led by reformists and modernists, many educated in Germany and Turkey, Young Somalia preached the importance of constitutionalism, industrialization, education, and, most tantalizingly for the traditionalist leadership of Somalia, military modernization. As Young Somalia leaders rose in prominence, a program of foreign education of soldiers and officers arose, sending soon-to-be generals off to Germany, Russia, Egypt, and Japan. Then war came to Europe once again in 1939, straining the German presence in the Horn. Their presence did not dissipate immediately, but when the SPD government was overthrown and replaced with rulership by generals in Germany, all connections with Germany were, in effect, severed. An emboldened Egypt, tantalizingly close to its famous Turkish victory, came in to replace the withering German influence, with generals acting without the approval of the Egyptian government sending supplies and advisors to the Boqorate. The Somali military was bolstered, commanded by Mahdi ibn Ahmad, the son of the late successor to Hassan. By the mid-1940s, the stage was set for war between Ethiopia and Somalia, and it only required a spark to light it.
In 1946, Negusa Nagast Haile Selassie, the reformist leader of Ethiopia, pushed the Ethiopian claim to the Ogaden, declaring it an eternal province of Abyssinia that was unjustly seized by Somali rebels decades before, and that Ethiopia was unequipped to reclaim until now. Thus began the Ogaden War, which coincided with Somali efforts to capture ethnic Somali areas in the quickly collapsing German empire in Africa, and the uprising of the underground Eritrean rebels led by former Askari Woli Mondelli. Both the Eritrean rebels and the Boqorate enjoyed the support of many generals in the Egyptian military, only increasing when it became so obvious that King Farouk had to (somewhat hesitantly) pledge his support to both causes. Initially, the war was in Ethiopia’s favor, with the larger population and larger army of Ethiopia gaining the upper hand, but as more Egyptian supply came in to replenish the Somali forces, and the guerrilla activity of the Eritreans turned to rapidly expanding territorial control, the nobility of Ethiopia became increasingly paranoid. In 1948, Haile Selassie was overthrown, with his cousin Imru Haile Selassie crowned as the new Negusa Nagast of a noble-dominated Ethiopia. Haile Selassie fled the country, and the disorganized Ethiopian forces, scrambled by the coup dividing their leadership, rapidly lost in battle after battle to the Somalis. Emperor Imru signed a treaty with Boqor Mohamoud later in 1948, which ended all Ethiopian claims to the Ogaden, ceded some Somali territories still under Ethiopian control, ceded the holy city of Harar, and enforced large concessions and special rights to the Muslim population of Ethiopia.
In the two years since the victory in the Ogaden War, Somalia has been resurgent. It is the premier power of the Horn of Africa, with a military headed by war heroes and a cabinet filled with Young Somalia reformers. Egyptian support has only become more entrenched, with Egyptian companies and banking interests the first resort of the modernists when they need investment, and Somalia has increased trade connections with the Kingdom of Egypt. This brings us to Somalia in 1950, the loose grouping of sultanates under a singular Boqor, emboldened by Egyptian money and military aid but still struggling to modernize.
The Boqorate of Somalia in 1950


When the game opens up on January 1st, 1950, the great Boqor Mohamoud Ali Shire is refusing to meet with his cabinet in Mogadishu. Feeling that the upstart reformists have been forced on him, and increasingly nostalgic as his age and future death loom over him, he has fled to his home city of Las Khorey, capital of the Warsangeli Sultanate, and refuses to return to the national capital. His cabinet has refused to travel with him, staunch in their view that Somalia needs a modern leader who guides the state from an official center, not a medieval sultan who expects his attendants to follow him to some new capital on a whim. In an effort to coax the old Boqor back to Mogadishu, the cabinet has begun the construction of a brand new palace, attempting to leverage social expectation and courtesy to force the old man back to the city. The undivided attention of the cabinet is on the effort to convince Boqor Mohamoud to return to Mogadishu, with arguments over how exactly to pay for the construction project and its dwindling budget at the forefront. In the midst of this grueling argument, minister of culture Aden Abdullah Osman Dar, a supporter of Haji Bashir’s plan to force the sultans to supply the funds for the palace, receives a mysterious parcel full of money. This just might be what they need to get them out of this accursed argument and finish up the palace, but some of the more principled members of the cabinet stand opposed to taking what might be a bribe.
Whichever option is taken, ultimately the palace of Mogadishu is completed, the city beautified in preparation for Boqor Mohamoud’s return, and a parade held to welcome the Boqor into the city. With the guiding monarch back in Somalia's beating heart, the reform-minded Young Somalia cabinet could begin the task of making their lofty hopes for a modern and developed Somalia into reality. There are three issues which the cabinet, de facto led by the charismatic Haji Bashir Ismail Yusuf, hones in on: the development of Somali infrastructure, the growth of industry and education, and the modernization and restructuring of the army, still massively decentralized and under the traditionalist leadership of Mahdi ibn Ahmad, son of the old Dervish general Haji Sudi.
When it comes to infrastructure, there is nothing grander in the mind of the Young Somalis than trains, and the question of how exactly the railway system should be developed splits the cabinet. On the one hand, there are those who are more concerned with experience in engineering and economics, who wish to see the newly established position of minister of infrastructure go to the knowledgeable Italian exile Piero Malvestiti, drawn to Somalia after the war in Europe by the Somali government's effort to attract Europeans. Opposing them are the principled nationalists and republicans, who want the new ministry to be headed by committed Young Somali Abdirashid Shermarke, a figure marred by his inexperience with the matter of railway construction. These two men bring with them two very different worldviews: Malvestiti with his industrialist privatization guiding his decisions, and Shermarke shaped by his commitment to creating a modern Somalia.
Before the issue of how best to develop Somalia’s infrastructure can truly be addressed, a ministry of transportation must be established. The Boqorate lacks such a ministry in 1950, and once it is founded the government can begin on the grueling project of building the country's railways. The building of these lines is done through the decisions tab, with a special category of infrastructure decisions becoming available when the Ministry of Infrastructure is established. There are two main rail lines that the ministry can develop: the so-called coastal railway that follows the smooth sandy coasts of Somalia from Mogadishu up to Jabuti up in the north, and the Trans-Ogaden Railway that links the south of the country with the Djibouti-Addis Ababa railway, built by the French decades before. There are some decisions to be made regarding where to build the lines and which cities and towns to connect; for instance, should the Trans-Ogaden Railway pass through the holy city of Harar before it connects at Dire Dawa, or should the easier route around the mountains be taken? On top of this, not everyone in the country is enthused about the sudden development of the Boqorate’s infrastructure, as is so suddenly brought to the ministry’s attention when a portion of railway being built from Mogadishu is bombed, and the minister of transportation establishes a commission to investigate the attack…
While the infrastructure in the extremely undeveloped countryside of Somalia is a major issue, there are two broader problems that have been at the core of the Young Somalia agenda since the movement’s beginnings. Without steel and lumber, not a single inch of railroad can be built, and without factories to produce the trains not a single trip can be taken. Somalia, simply put, is almost completely nonindustrial; the only city with any real industrial capability is Mogadishu, the city that was developed under the Italians and continued to be built upon by German and Egyptian investors under Boqor Mohamoud. Similarly, not a single one of the myriad technical marvels needed for the building of railroads can be made without education. Most people in Somalia cannot read, and most people are not educated on much beyond agrarian and pastoral matters. In this matter, Mogadishu also outranks the rest of the country, with the only center of higher learning in the whole country being situated in the city: the University of Mogadishu, with its strange dedication to Kaiser Wilhelm II emblazoned on its gates. Neither of these issues can be truly resolved until the upcoming session of the Majlis al-Shura in 1951, but until then, minister Haji Bashir has a plan. He has put forward twin proposals to establish temporary commissions to investigate ways to industrialize the country and improve education. Whether these commissions survive when the Majlis comes is up for debate.
The Somali military is a disorganized mess, and the cabinet knows this. There is only a very small force of federal Boqorate soldiers under the command of the old Mahdi ibn Ahmad, son of the second-in-command to Hassan. The remainder of the country’s army is local guards in the service to the sultans, garrisons positioned on the borders, or autonomous militias that formed to defend the villages of the Ogaden when the Ogaden War began. Haji Bashir desperately craves a centralized and modernized military, seeing the army as the shield that defends the youthful nation the cabinet is helping to build. While the cabinet discusses industrial policy and commemorates railway lines, Haji Bashir and Sheikh Mukhtar meet with Chief Commander Mahdi to discuss military reform…
Oh. Well, that didn’t turn out quite how they thought it would. It is the old man’s loss! He threw away the only good opportunity to establish a true military force for Somalia! If only there were some opportunity that they could use to leverage reform…
Well then! This came suddenly, but without surprise. The unity that came from the Ogaden War has been melting away as the years drag on, and it was only a matter of time until the conflicts of sultans, and sheikhs rose up to the forefront once again. That frail old traitor Mahdi has come in the way of meaningful action yet again, blocking any use of the federal army forces to put a stop to the war between Garad Jama and Dolal Nur. Mukhtar brings to the cabinet’s attention a general and war hero who is rapidly rising up the ranks and seemingly gunning for ever more influence: Jama Ali Korshel, a young man of only 38 years old who was trained in Egypt and is on good terms with some cabinet members. Perhaps a meeting with him is in order? Hopefully something comes of that.
Alhamdulillah! The crisis is finally over! It is a shame that the hero who saved Somalia from this feudal war has been treated so terribly… the journalistic community of Mogadishu works in the cabinet’s favor, as it will continue to do so, they hope.
With a true ally committed to the modernization of Somalia in the office of Chief Commander, the cabinet can move forward with their proposed military reforms… but there is still one more problem: the army is divided internally. Support for modernization is widespread, to be sure, but there are two men that each command significant respect from swathes of the soldiery: new Chief Commander Korshel, and Mohamed Siad Barre, the young man trained at the Denikin Military Academy in Russia. Ismail, Mukhtar, and the rest of the cabinet are uncertain what to do… the two men are rivals, and have been ever since their return from their respective stints abroad, but the support of the whole army is necessary to ensure the reforms go smoothly. Does the cabinet side wholeheartedly with Korshel and his program of centralizing reforms inspired by Egypt, or do they encourage compromise between the two military men, using both of their training effectively?


The cabinet may have had an idea of the politicking between Korshel and Barre before now, but with the issue of reforming the military on the table, the divide must be addressed.
The decentralized nature of the army has prompted the two strongmen to attempt to appeal to the myriad garrisons and local guards across Somalia, to varying levels of success. To model this internal conflict, there is a special mechanic in the decisions tab which shows the level of support that either Korshel or Barre have in the most prominent armies of Somalia.
At the beginning, most of the country is neutral, with most garrisons and sultanate guards favoring neither the upstart Korshel nor the brash Barre. The decisions under the Divided Military tab can cause specific sultanate guards to increase in their favor for one or the other, depending on how many times they have been visited or drilled by a respective officer, or how many bribes they have been given. Some of the garrisons on the borders, such as the Southwest Garrison and the Ogaden Garrison, have specific needs and desires that may require a special policy on the part of the competing officers.
Which direction the military is reformed in can also affect the support either man has: when only Korshel dominates, he creates a military infrastructure that benefits him and his clique, but when compromise is encouraged, Barre is able to influence the implementation of reform.


With most of the ambitious docket of Haji Bashir accomplished, at least in the short term, the cabinet waits with bated breath for the impending session of the consultative and legislative Majlis al-Shura, where their reforms will be tested. The Majlis is made up of 83 sultans, emirs, and mullahs from throughout the country, with no representation for any member of society outside of the upper class, and it is this canny and squabbling collection of nobles that the cabinet must convince of the necessity of reform. To represent the support that the cabinet has for its program, a special mechanic shows where each of the major clans stands: supportive of reform, opposed to it, or staunchly opposed to any political change.
The default stance that a given member of the Majlis can have is opposition, because the conservative and self-interested feudal leaders of Somalia will only come out in support of a program of reform if… well, let’s just say if they are convinced of the necessity of reform. This is where decisions and events come in; the cabinet can host banquets, have private meetings, attend Friday prayers, send bribes, all in the effort to curry enough support from the sultans and mullahs to get their program through the session relatively untouched. There is strategy here, because by appealing to the grand sultan of a clan you can get the support of the whole clan, but the rivalries between clans mean that it is near impossible to have the support of the entire Majlis.
Now, not all of the sultans are so opposed to reform. Osman Yusuf Kenadid, Sultan of Hobyo, is one of the most outspoken supporters of social-political reform, having early on supported the Young Somalia movement. Hobyo is one of the most prominent centers of the movement nationwide, and Haji Bashir believes that organizing with the sultan could be central to getting their program through. Perhaps having a supporter within the nobility could give them some important inroads with the other sultans…
In-game, getting the support of the sultans is central to the next stretch of the focus tree. Restricting the player somewhat, some focuses cannot be taken unless a certain number of sultans are in support of the program of reform, meaning that depending on what you prioritize and how efficiently you play sultans against each other, you may or may not be able to implement certain policies. It is very difficult to have all of the cabinet’s reforms come out the other side of the Majlis untouched, and this diplomatic aspect defines play for early game Somalia.
There are three main focuses of the Majlis al-Shura of 1951: education, industry, and the perennial question of the powers of the Boqor of All Somalia. The commissions that the cabinet established less than a year prior have brought the ire of the sultans, fearful of encroachment on their powers and rights. When it comes to education, the Majlis can either completely dismantle the commission on education (if the cabinet does not have the support of a majority of the seats in the Majlis) or move toward a decentralized form of education established on nationally agreed to principles. Ultimately, the Young Somalia ideal of a fully educated nation may be nothing more than a pipe dream, as even when the sultans support reform, they are reticent to do much meaningful change.
There is also the eternal question of literacy, something which Osman Yusuf Kenadid brings to the forefront in a rousing speech. Depending on the decision of the Majlis, a national program for literacy can be established, and potentially even a standard writing system chosen.
Then, there is the question of industry in Somalia, with the cabinet’s commission on industry challenging the peasantry that forms the population of vast swathes of the country. Fearful of changes to their patterns of rule, the sultans want to dismantle the commission, moving toward a slower-paced and decentralized industrialization where most of the country is kept agrarian and the sultans can decide how they want to modernize. However, if the cabinet is able to get enough support for their reforms, they can modify the commission to bring the sultans onto the decisionmaking process, distributing charters to build factories. There is also the general question of the pace of industrialization, and whether or not Somalia should even be an industrial country… should Somalia be manufacturing exports? Where should they sell these exports to?
Then, there is the question that comes up every session, the question at the heart of Young Somalia: what is to be the role of the Boqor? There are only two directions this question can take in 1951: the beginning of centralizing the state around the Boqor, or the entrenchment of the decentralized federal structure. Going down the route of centralization is the most difficult direction to take the Majlis of 1951, requiring the support of the vast majority of the members of the Majlis rather than the simple majority required for other reforms. While the process of negotiating centralization can begin in 1951, it is not completed then, with only the barest of laws passed on taxation and the military… but it can go further.
By the end of this session, Haji Bashir, his cabinet, and Osman Yusuf Kenadid are able to curry enough support to get through compromise reforms on education and industry, but no standard written language is agreed to and the country remains decentralized. While other directions could have been taken by a more thorough cabinet, for the purposes of the developments described here only some reforms get through. The player must prioritize which reforms to focus on, because the cabinet does not have all the time in the world to get the support of the cabinet; these focuses stop being available after November 25th, 1951.


For some time after the Majlis al-Shura of 1951, political life in Somalia dies down, with the cabinet still seeking its program of reform, the military still divided by internal squabbling, the ministry of infrastructure still building railways. However, in mid-1952, something happens which throws Somali politics into disarray: a coup by a group of so-called “Free Officers” in Egypt. The special deal which was struck between the military and the monarchy in Egypt, built on the aftermath of the war with Turkey and practiced on the wars in the Horn of Africa, has fallen to the wayside, as Mohammad Naguib and the Revolutionary Command Council take the reins of power in the Kingdom of Egypt. Egypt is Somalia’s closest ally, its number one trade partner, the leader of the Arab and Muslim world, the supplier of arms and advisors. And in May of 1952, the Egyptian generals start to return to Cairo, while the Egyptian companies falter. Boqor Mohamoud Ali Shire calls an emergency session of the Majlis al-Shura to figure out what Somalia should do in response to this redefining event.
(As an important note, this is not the only possible outcome of the attempted coup in Egypt. In fact, affairs in Somalia differ, perhaps even rather significantly, depending on events in Egypt).
There are two main issues to address: firstly, whether or not the Boqorate should recognize the new government or maintain the relationship with King Farouk, and secondly how the government should respond to the economic disaster that is the pulling out of Egyptian capital. Somalia’s economy, industry, and infrastructure have almost entirely been built on Egyptian loans, and with the banks in Cairo increasingly uncertain in the face of the new government, there is the question of whether Somalia even has to pay them off. The rapid development of the countryside and cities brings with it the sudden realization of the cost, since there isn’t a constant influx of Egyptian money to keep the railways and factories afloat. When it comes to the railroads, the majlis can always pass laws increasing fare prices, restricting trade with Ethiopia (seeing as the only rail route into Ethiopia is through Somalia, this is a very impactful decision indeed), and approaching the perennial question of taxation. The Majlis can also look elsewhere for funding, diversifying the sources of loans and contracts so that never again will the Somali economy be so reliant on any one power. In steps Russia, with their Yusupov Corporation more than eager to take on contracts to construct and maintain factories, to fill the void left by the flight of Egyptian capital. With new sources of revenue from the railways and Russian money filling in the gaps, Somalia is on the road to economic recovery.
With a new government in Cairo, the issue of recognition must be addressed. The cabinet wants to recognize the new regency government, knowing the need to recognize geopolitical realities and perhaps some opportunities for revived investments. The sultans, however, are adamant in their opposition to the kind of anti-nobility sentiments embodied in the new government, and refuse to extend recognition to Cairo, instead wanting to back King Farouk in any attempt to restore the old order. This is another place where the reform support mechanic comes in, with recognition of the new Egyptian government only available if the cabinet is able to get the support of the vast majority of the Majlis, something which is more difficult now than in the session a year prior. The time has come for the Majlis to make its decision...
The Majlis holds its vote and decides that King Farouk is the rightful sovereign, sending a delegation to Sofiya, where the King fled. Since the Cairo government is not recognized, no deals are made to bring back the military advisors that helped strengthen and train the Somali Army, so ultimately the decision is made to give Chief Commander Korshel free rein to make decisions for the army. The intention of this is to allow Korshel to take advantage of opportunities to strengthen the military now that the reliability of Egyptian advisors is gone, but this allows the people's general to make connections in a way he was never able to before…
Not visible when 1952 begins, once Korshel is given free rein over the Somali Army, a new focus tree appears which represents his efforts to maintain the primacy of Somalia over the Horn and entrench his power. There are four things which he does to ensure that neither Somalia nor himself suffer in the absence of Egyptian military backing, ensuring a centralized command structure, no rivalries dividing the army, and a flow of arms into the country.
Korshel meets with his main rival, Mohamed Siad Barre, reaching out an olive branch to the Russian-trained general. The goal of this meeting is to keep the Somali Army united in the face of any potential challenge, centered on whatever Korshel and the army’s command set their eyes on. Barre agrees… for the good of the Somali people. Along with this, he travels to the border garrisons to ensure their loyalty, making sure that the army is united behind him. If they do not stay together, they will fall.
Although the Majlis has refused to extend recognition to the Cairo government, Korshel, with his connections with the Free Officers who now head the Egyptian state, has some… plans in mind. Ignoring the Majlis’ refusal to request advisors from Cairo, Korshel invites a representative of the new government to discuss a return to the relationship between Egypt and Somalia. Assuring them that Somalia will very soon recognize the Cairo government, he helps smuggle in a new wave of Egyptian military advisors.
The greatest threat to Somalia’s military power and stability is, ultimately, its rather low population. If there were to be another war with Ethiopia, it is unlikely that Somalia would win, and Korshel knows this. So when Mukhtar puts forward the rather questionable idea to reach out to the British South Africa Police to supply mercenaries to supplement the army, Korshel was just desperate enough to accept. The only thing the BSAP asks for is contracts to build dams along the Juba and Shebelle rivers.
For the better part of 1952, month after month is filled with a flurry of planning on the part of Korshel and his clique of supporters in the cabinet and military. 1952 moves to a close with the country on edge, still in the throes of economic chaos and ramshackle recovery, the average peasant, worker, herdsman struggling because of a stubborn Majlis and crumbling economic ties with the rest of the world. Then, in December 1952, Jama Ali Korshel seizes control of Mogadishu with a force of soldiers drawn from the garrisons he visited in the year prior bolstered by South African mercenaries. Putting Boqor Mohamoud under armed guard, Korshel gives a speech in the heart of the capital wherein he decries the leadership of the nation for allowing the suffering of the Somali people to continue, for doing next to nothing when hardships came to the country with the Egyptian coup. He forces the Boqor to appoint him Grand Vizier and keeps the Young Somalia cabinet in place, now headed by himself. Putting the Boqor under protection in the palace for his own safety, Grand Vizier Korshel looks to the future hopefully.
All of the focus trees for Somalia from 1950 to the end of 1952.


"There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks were decades happen." -Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Grand Vizier Korshel is initially interested only in legalizing opposition parties and recognizing the Cairo government. Beyond these rather superficial policies, Korshel is content to give the cabinet a bit of free reign. There are whispers of opposition among the sultans, who fear for their positions and titles under Korshel’s government, but the Grand Vizier feels certain that no opposition will be organized; after all, the sultans were at each other’s throats just months earlier.
Then a bang is heard in the night in moonlit Mogadishu.
Someone just had to do it, huh? Someone just had to go and kill the old man. The perpetrator was found out, denounced, arrested, and locked up awaiting trial. That very morning, Korshel made a public speech attacking the murderer Ahmad Yusuf, denouncing this killing as if it were the slaughter of a whole village. The trial is held post-haste, with all in the city allowed to attend.
Justice has been served for the brutal murder of the Boqor, and yet the sultans protest. In the aftermath of the trial, Grand Vizier Korshel gives a public speech declaring the establishment of the People’s Provisional Government, dedicated to justice for the people and republican rule. Abdul Sallan, that upstart challenger that took on the mantle of his father upon his death, has put forward a baseless theory that Korshel and his radical allies ordered the killing of Shire, supposedly in an attempt to liquidate the sultanates in the wake of the declaration of the People’s Government, and the newspapers of Mogadishu have jumped on the opportunity to spread this outright lie. Sultan after sultan denounces Korshel as almost a murderer, and Siad Barre publically challenges Korshel. In private, the two generals meet, with Korshel attempting to appeal to the man’s sense of nationalism, of pride and populism, to maintain his support for the new government. Barre flees the capital under cover of night...
...Only to return a week later with a personal retinue of soldiers from the north of Somalia, marching on the city in an attempt to overthrow the People’s Government! The talks between the two feuding rivals in the military have completely collapsed in on themselves, and now the brash young man threatens the city with a small but cohesive force. After a few skirmishes Barre flees, but Korshel, his cabinet, and the rest of the city are on edge, waiting and biding their time for the next threat to the teetering stability of the new order in Somalia.
Link to Part II
submitted by marsworms to krasnacht [link] [comments]

2020.05.24 00:00 autotldr Somalia looks to first full elections in 51 years, despite the Covid-19 crisis

This is the best tl;dr I could make, original reduced by 64%. (I'm a bot)
The consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic are acute for Somalia, but the Horn of Africa nation is doing what it can with the resources it has, even as it looks ahead to its first direct elections in a half-century, the top UN official in the country said on Thursday.
In its latest situation report, the World Health Organization on Wednesday put the number of confirmed cases in Somalia at 1,502, with 59 deaths.
Looking beyond the immediate health crisis, Mr. Swan - speaking from Mogadishu via video-teleconference - said the coming weeks will be decisive in determining how Somalia will proceed with its first direct elections since March 1969.
"These Somali institutions will determine the pathway to elections," said Mr. Swan, urging Somalia's partners to be ready to mobilize the technical support and financial resources needed to make the landmark polls a success.
Turning to the security situation, he said that Somalia has made progress in recovering areas occupied by al-Shabaab, including the strategic town of Janaale, liberated by the Somali National Army and the African Union Mission in Somalia on 16 March.
Mr. Swan's briefing to the Council followed the release of the Secretary-General's latest report on the situation in Somalia.
Summary Source FAQ Feedback Top keywords: Somalia#1 Swan#2 Somali#3 al-Shabaab#4 nation#5
Post found in /worldnews.
NOTICE: This thread is for discussing the submission topic. Please do not discuss the concept of the autotldr bot here.
submitted by autotldr to autotldr [link] [comments]

2020.05.16 03:59 mahmud_ Ambassador Warsame, on his political hack that turned Iran from adversary to a trade partner importing Somali livestock.

Ambassador Warsame, on his political hack that turned Iran from adversary to a trade partner importing Somali livestock. submitted by mahmud_ to Somalia [link] [comments]

2020.05.08 12:00 vrvbot VRV Update Fri, May 08 2020


Ryo Saeba, the legendary City Hunter, is a first-class sweeper for hire, taking on jobs from protecting beautiful women to taking out bad guys permanently. He can be a private detective or hitman, whatever the case calls for, and it often requires the use of his superhuman marksmanship. But even so, Ryo can’t do it alone. His partner is Kaori Makimura, the younger sister of his murdered best friend. Kaori serves as his assistant, while also protecting their attractive clients from Ryo’s “mokkori” advances with her trusty supply of 100 ton hammers.
submitted by vrvbot to vrv [link] [comments]

2020.04.03 00:28 tobbsn Various organizations for work with boys, men and fathers put together a "survival-kit for men under pressure", translated it into a lot of languages and put them online.

They can be printed and shared, to help men prevent domestic violence. They have PDFs for posters at mä and you can download them in English, Français, Español, Italiano, Deutsch, Português, Türkçe, Kurdî (Kurmancî), Shqip, Srpsko-hrvatski, Al-ʿarabiyya, Fārsī, Tamil, Tigriññā, Somali, Russkiy, Polski, Magyar, Slovenčina and Nederlands #dontBecomeAnAbuser
Especially in these times of social distancing and staying at home emotional and psychological pressure also increases on men, while many of them are not well equipped to deal with that. Especially not while being virtually locked in.
It is important that we now reach out to our male peers and just talk about how we are and how we are coping, generally supporting each other - We shouldn't put that emotional labour solely on our partners and/or the people we may live with.
Putting these posters up around your neighbourhood and maybe adding a number to a local helpline or other support infrastructure may also help them without the emotional tools or social support structure to deal with the pressure and collectively prevent domestic violence.
submitted by tobbsn to MensLib [link] [comments]

Senior Field Coordinator – Somali Cash Consortium - Somali ...